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야다브

위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.
(야두반시에서 넘어옴)

야다브
यादव
종교힌두교
언어인도아리아어군
거주 국가인도 인도
성씨야다브
관련 집단아히르
자다브

야다브(힌디어: यादव)는 야다브는 19세기와 20세기 이후[1] 사회적, 정치적 부활 운동의 일환으로 신화 속 왕 야두의 후손이라고 주장하는 인도의 전통적 비엘리트 농민-목축 공동체 또는 카스트 집단을 일컫는다.[2][3][4] 야다브라는 용어는 현재 힌디어 벨트의 아히르와 마하라슈트라주의 가블리 등 많은 전통적 농민-목축 카스트를 포괄한다.[1][5]

역사적으로 아히르와 야다브 그룹은 카스트 계층화에서 모호한 의식적 지위를 가졌다.[6][a] 19세기 말과 20세기 초부터 야다브 운동은 산스크리트화,[8] 적극적인 군입대,[2] 다른 권위 있는 사업 분야로의 경제적 기회 확대, 정치에 대한 적극적인 참여[9] 등을 통해 구성원들의 사회적 지위를 향상시키기 위해 노력해 왔다.[9] 야다브 지도자들과 지식인들은 종종 자신들이 야두와 크리슈나의 혈통이라고 주장하는데 초점을 맞추었고, 이것이 자신들에게 크샤트리야의 지위를 부여한다고 주장했으며,[10] 크샤트리야와 같은 용맹함을 강조하기 위해 집단 내러티브를 재구성하는 데 노력을 기울여 왔지만,[11] 더 큰 인도 카스트 제도의 맥락에서 볼 때 운동의 전반적인 기조는 명백하게 평등주의적이지 않았다.[12] 야다브는 비하르주와 같은 인도 북부의 일부 주에서 자민다리 폐지의 혜택을 받았지만, 다른 상류 후진 카스트 구성원들만큼의 혜택을 받지는 못했다.[13]

각주

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인용주

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  1. ↑ From the mid-19th century onward, many British ethnographies attempted to understand India's tribes and castes by attempting to document the differences and to explain them in the prevailing ideologies of the period; the lack of such understanding was felt to be one of the reasons for the Indian rebellion of 1857.[7]

참조주

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  1. ↑ 가 나 Susan Bayly (2001). 《Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age》. Cambridge University Press. 200, 383쪽. ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6.  Quote: Ahir: Caste title of North Indian non-elite 'peasant'-pastoralists, known also as Yadav."
  2. ↑ 가 나 Pinch, William R. (1996). 《Peasants and monks in British India》. University of California Press. 90쪽. ISBN 978-0-520-20061-6.  Quote: "Gopis, Goalas, and Ahirs, who would by the early 1900s begin referring to themselves as Yadav kshatriyas, had long sought and attained (after 1898) recruitment as soldiers in the British Indian army, particularly in the Western Gangetic Plain."
  3. ↑ Hutton, John Henry (1969). 《Caste in India: its nature, function and origins》. Oxford University Press. 113쪽.  Quote: "In a not dissimilar way the various cow-keeping castes of northern India were combining in 1931 to use the common term of Yadava for their various castes, Ahir, Goala, Gopa, etc., and to claim a Rajput origin of extremely doubtful authenticity."
  4. ↑ Jassal, Smita Tewari; École pratique des hautes études (France). Section des sciences économiques et sociales; University of Oxford. Institute of Social Anthropology (2001). 〈Caste in the Colonial State: Mallahs in the census〉. 《Contributions to Indian sociology》. Mouton. 319–351쪽.  Quote: "The movement, which had a wide interregional spread, attempted to submerge regional names such as Goala, Ahir, Ahar, Gopa, etc., in favour of the generic term Yadava (Rao 1979). Hence a number of pastoralist castes were subsumed under Yadava, in accordance with decisions taken by the regional and national level caste sabhas. The Yadavas became the first among the shudras to gain the right to wear the janeu, a case of successful sanskritisation which continues till date. As a prominent agriculturist caste in the region, despite belonging to the shudra varna, the Yadavas claimed Kshatriya status tracing descent from the Yadu dynasty. The caste's efforts matched those of census officials, for whom standardisation of overlapping names was a matter of policy. The success of the Yadava movement also lies in the fact that, among the jaati sabhas, the Yadava sabha was probably the strongest, its journal, Ahir Samachar, having an all-India spread. These factors strengthened local efforts, such as in Bhojpur, where the Yadavas, locally known as Ahirs, refused to do begar, or forced labour, for the landlords and simultaneously prohibited liquor consumption, child marriages, and so on."
  5. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). 《India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India》 (영어). London: C. Hurst & Co. 187-188쪽. ISBN 978-1-85065-670-8. [187] The term "Yadav" covers many castes which initially had different names: Ahir in the Hindi belt, Punjab and Gujarat, Gavli in Maharashtra, Gola in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka etc. Their traditional common function, all over India, was that of herdsman, cowherds and milksellers. [188] In practice, the Yadavs today spend most of their time tilling the land. At the turn of the century in the Central Provinces two-thirds of Ahirs were already cultivators and labourers while less than one third raised cattle and dealt with milk and milk products. 
  6. ↑ , Routledge  |제목=이(가) 없거나 비었음 (도움말)
  7. ↑ Rand, Gavin (2013년 6월 6일), 〈Reconstructing the Imperial Military after the Rebellion〉, Rand, Gavin; Bates, Crispin, 《Mutiny on the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857, Volume 7》, 101쪽, ISBN 978-81-321-1053-8, However, while ethnography was thus made central to the process of reconstruction, there remained a good deal of ambiguity regarding distinctions of race, caste and tribe. An investigation into the utility of various ‘low caste’ levies raised during 1857 was abandoned in 1861 when it emerged that while some officers had raised troops from sweepers and outcastes, others understood the term to refer simply to those regiments raised without Brahmins. This is simply one example of the numerous, wider ambiguities which inflect colonial knowledge in this period and which (amongst other factors) militated against radical change in the aftermath of the rebellion. This ambiguity was reflected in much of the evidence gathered by the Royal Commission, where geographic and regional distinctions overlapped and complicated religious and ethnic identities. Nevertheless, the administrative impulse to know India after 1857 is evident throughout the process of reflection and reconstruction undertaken by the imperial military. However, as the diversity of opinion gathered by the Royal Commission makes clear, while there was general recognition that ethnographic knowledge was key to the business of administering the Native army, there was much less agreement on the precise mechanisms by which such administration could be carried forth and, often, widespread confusion over the most salient aspects of Indian ethnography, culture and tradition. In part, the injunction to know India and its peoples is characteristic of the period.<Footnote 35 (p. 111)>: See, for example, the illustrated taxonomy of Indian ethnographic types prepared by Kaye, Watson, and Meadows Taylor and published as The People of India: A Series of Photographic Illustrations with Descriptive Letterpress, of the Races and Tribes of Hindustan, Originally Prepared under the Authority of the Government of India and Reproduced by the Order of the Secretary of State in Council (London: W. H. Allen, 1868)> 
  8. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). 《India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India》. Columbia University Press. 210–211쪽. ISBN 978-0-231-12786-8.  Quote: "In his typology of low caste movements, (M. S. A.) Rao distinguishes five categories. The first is characterised by 'withdrawal and self-organisation'. ... The second one, illustrated by the Yadavs, is based on the claim of 'higher varna status' and fits with Sanskritisation pattern. ..."
  9. ↑ 가 나 Leshnik, Lawrence S.; Sontheimer, Günther-Dietz (1975). 《Pastoralists and nomads in South Asia》. O. Harrassowitz. 218쪽. ISBN 9783447015523.  Quote: "The Ahir and allied cowherd castes (whether actually pastoralists or cultivators, as in the Punjab) have recently organized a pan-Indian caste association with political as well as social reformist goals using the epic designation of Yadava (or Jadava) Vanshi Kshatriya, ie the warrior caste descending from the Yadava lineage of the Mahabharata fame."
  10. ↑ Bayly, Susan (2001). 《Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age》. Cambridge University Press. 84쪽. ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6.  Quote: "They had many counterparts elsewhere, most notably in the Gangetic plain where users of titles like Ahir, Jat and Goala turned increasingly towards the cow-cherishing rustic piety associated with the cult of Krishna. With its visions of milkmaids and sylvan raptures, and its cultivation of divine bounty in the form of sweet milky essences, this form of Vishnu worship offered an inviting path to 'caste Hindu' life for many people of martial pastoralist background.42 Footnote 42: "From the later nineteenth century the title Yadav was widely adopted in preference to Goala. ..."
  11. ↑ Flueckiger, Joyce Burkhalter (1996). 《Gender and Genre in the Folklore of Middle India》. Cornell University Press. 137쪽. ISBN 978-0-8014-8344-8.  Quote: "Another way to confirm their warrior status was to try to associate themselves with Yadav cowherding caste of the divine cowherd Krishna, calling themselves Yadavs instead of Ahirs. Ahir intelligensia "rewrote" certain historical documents to prove this connection, forming a national Yadav organization that continues to coordinate and promote the mobility drive of the caste. Integral to this movement are retelling of caste history that reflect its martial character; ..."
  12. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). 《India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India》. Columbia University Press. 211쪽. ISBN 978-0-231-12786-8.  Quote: "Rather, the low caste movements can more pertinently be regrouped in two broader categories: first, the reform movements situating themselves within the Hindu way of life, be they relying on the mechanisms of Sanskritisation or on the bhakti tradition; and second those which are based on an ethnic or western ideology with a strong egalitarian overtone. The Yadav movement—and to a lesser extent the Ezhavas—can be classified in the first group whereas all the other ones belong to the second category. Interestingly none of the latter has a North Indian origin."
  13. ↑ Ranabir Samaddar (2016). 《Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace》. Routledge. 169쪽. ISBN 978-1317125372. 2021년 1월 1일에 확인함. 
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