사용자:Aspere/위임통치령 팔레스타인

위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.
국제연맹 - 위임통치령 팔레스타인 및 트란스요르단 각서
1922년 12월의 영국 칙명 제1785호로, 위임통치령 팔레스타인 및 트란스요르단 각서를 담고 있다.
생성일1919년 중반 ~ 1922년 7월 22일
효력일1923년 9월 29일
지역UNOG 도서관; ref.: C.529. M.314. 1922. VI.
서명인국제연맹
목적팔레스타인 위임통치령트란스요르단의 영토 성립

위임통치령 팔레스타인(Mandate for Palestine)은 1918년 제1차 세계 대전의 종전으로 인해 오스만 제국으로부터 할양받은 영토인 팔레스타인트란스요르단의 영토를 영국의 위임통치 하에 둔다는 국제연맹위임통치령이었다. 프랑스가 기존에 맺어진 사이크스–피코 협정에서 양보한 1918년 클레망소-로이드 조지 협정 체결을 통해, 1920년 4월 산레모 회담에서 팔레스타인이 공식적으로 영국의 위임통치에 들어갔다. 트란스요르단은 시리아-프랑스 전쟁에서 시리아 아랍 왕국이 패전하며 위임통치령에 추가되었다. 1920년 7월 팔레스타인에서, 1921년 4월 트란스요르단에서 민정 통치가 시작되었으며, 위임통치령은 공식적으로 1923년 9월 29일부터, 팔레스타인은 1948년 5월 15일까지, 트란스요르단은 1946년 5월 25일까지 존속했다.

위임통치령 문서는 국제연맹 규약 제22조와, 주요 연합국 최고 회의의 산레모 결의안에 기초하고 있다. 오스만 제국의 영토에 세워진 위임통치령의 목적은 "스스로 일어설 수 있을 때까지 위임을 통해 통치의 조언과 조력"을 제공하기 위한 것으로 표기되어 있다. 팔레스타인과 트란스요르단 사이의 국경은 마지막 위임통치령 문서에서 합의되었으며, 북쪽의 프랑스 위임통치령 시리아와의 국경은 1920년 12월 23일 폴렛-뉴컴베 협정을 통해 확정되었다.

팔레스타인의 경우, 위임통치령은 영국이 인구 대부분을 차지하는 팔레스타인 아랍인과 함께, 밸푸어 선언에서의 "유대인을 위한 조국" 건설을 실천에 옮길 것을 요구하였다. 영국이 팔레스타인을 통치한 약 30년 간, 유대인과 팔레스타인 아랍인 공동체 간 시위, 폭동, 반란 등이 종종 일어났으며, 팔레스타인 위임통치령에서의 공동체 간 분쟁은 1936년 ~ 1939년 팔레스타인 독립 전쟁과 1944년 ~ 1948년 팔레스타인 위임통치령에서의 유대인 내란으로 이어졌다. 1947년 11월 29일 유대인과 아랍인 국가 둘을 만들고, 예루살렘을 유엔 신탁통치로 넘기자는, 유엔의 팔레스타인 분할안이 통과되었으며, 2주 후 영국 식민장관 아서 크리치 존스는 영국 위임통치령이 1948년 5월 15일 종료될 것이라고 발표하였다. 위임통치령 마지막 날 유대인 공동체는 이스라엘 독립 선언서를 발표하였다. 분할안의 실현이 실패한 후 이어진 제1차 중동 전쟁으로 인해 팔레스타인 위임통치령의 영토는 이스라엘, 요르단(서안), 이집트(가자)가 분할하였다.

1921년 3월 카이로 회담에서, 팔레스타인의 지도 하에 압둘라 1세가 통치하는 조건으로 위임통치령에 트란스요르단이 추가되었다. 이 지역은 제1차 세계 대전 말기부터 압둘라의 동생인 파이살을 군주로 다마스쿠스에서 아랍과 영국이 공동으로 통치했으며, 1920년 7월 파이살이 프랑스군에 패배한 후부터 무인지대가 되었기 때문에, 영국은 요르단과 팔레스타인의 연관짓기를 삼가려고 하였다. 트란스요르단은 1921년 3월 21일 영국이 위임통치령 문서에 제25조를 추가하며 법적인 형태로써 생겨났고, 1922년 9월 16일 트란스요르단 각서를 통해 영국의 지도 하에 별도의 '트란스요르단 관리 기구'가 만들어졌으며, 위임통치령이 생기기 다섯 달 전인 1923년 4월, 영국은 트란스요르단에서의 '독립적인 정부'를 인정할 것이라고 밝혔다. 트란스요르단의 자치권은 1928년 2월 20일 조약을 통해 증가하였으며, 1946년 3월 22일 런던 조약을 통해 완전히 독립하였다.

배경[편집]

제1차 세계 대전이 일어나기 전 영국 정부에서 발행한 민족지.

밸푸어 선언[편집]

1914년 오스만 제국의 전쟁 선포 직후 영국 전시 내각은 당시 오스만 통치 하이던 팔레스타인 지역의 미래를 고려하기 시작했다.[1][2][3] 1917년 말 밸푸어 선언이 이루어질 즈음 미국은 제대로 참전하지 않았고, 러시아는 10월 혁명 도중이었기 때문에 세계 대전은 전체적으로 교착 상태였는데,[4][5] 밸푸어 선언은 이러한 배경에서, 전 세계의 유대인 공동체가 연합국을 지지하게끔 하기 위한 선전의 일종으로써,[6][7] 팔레스타인에 "유대인을 위한 조국" 설립을 돕겠다는 내용을 담아 11월 2일 발표되었다.

밸푸어 선언은 큰 정치 세력이 시온주의를 공개적으로 지지한 첫 사례였으며,[8] 유대 국가를 의미하는 것인지를 확실하게 알 수 없도록, 그 전까지 국제법에서 사용된 적이 없는 조국(National home)이라는 모호한 용어를 고의적으로 사용하였다.[5] 팔레스타인의 경계 또한 확실하게 정하지 않았으며,[9] 영국 정부는 이후 팔레스타인 내(in Palestine)라는 용어가 유대인의 조국이 팔레스타인 전체를 차지하는 것이 아니라는 것을 의미한다고 확인하였다.[10][11][12] 선언의 뒷 절반 가량은 인구 대부분을 차지하는 팔레스타인 아랍인의 시민권과 종교권을 보장할 것이라는 내용으로,[13] 선언이 팔레스타인 원주민의 입지에 악영향을 주어 결과적으로 유대인을 외부인으로 낙인찍어 전 세계적인 반유대주의를 촉진할 것이라는 반대를 무마하기 위해 추가되었다.[14]

밸푸어 선언의 내용은 이후 선언의 내용을 실천하기 위해 위임통치령 문서에 합쳐졌다.[15] 선언 자체와 달리, 위임통치령 문서는 영국 정부가 준수해야 할 의무를 띄었다는 차이가 있다.[15]

아랍 인구에 대한 약속[편집]

See caption
메카 샤리프와의 영토 협상을 보여주는 영국 정부 발행 지도.
See caption
사이크스와 피코가 서명한 지도.

1915년 7월부터 1916년 3월까지의 기간 동안, 헤자즈를 통치한 하심가의 대표 후세인 빈 알리와, 영국의 이집트 고등판무관 헨리 맥마흔 중령은 서로 편지 10통을 교환하였다.[16] 이 중 특히 1915년 10월 24일자의 편지에서, 영국 정부는 메카 샤리프가 오스만 제국을 상대로 아랍 반란을 일으키는 대가로 아랍 독립을 인정하겠다고 동의하였다.[17][18] 인력이나 현지에 대한 정보 등 아랍에 군사적 가치가 없었던 것은 아니지만, 이 합의의 주 목적은 오스만의 지하드 선포에 대응하고, 영국령 인도에 살던 7000만 무슬림 인구의 지지를 받기 위해서였다.[19]

아랍 독립의 영역은 "메카 샤리프가 제안한 한계와 경계"로 정해졌다. 여기서 "다마스쿠스, 홈스, 하마, 알레포 지구"의 서쪽에 있는 해안은 제외하는데, 모호한 정의로 인해 현재까지 여러 분쟁이 일어나고 있으며,[20] 이 중 특히 팔레스타인이 이 해안 제외 지역에 해당하는지에 대한 논쟁이 가장 두드러지게 나타난다.[20][a] 1919년 파리 강화 회의에서 영국 총리 데이비드 로이드 조지는 프랑스 총리 조르주 클레망소에게 후세인-맥마흔 서한에는 조약적인 의무가 있다고 밝혔다.[22][23]

프랑스에 대한 약속[편집]

비슷한 시기 오스만 제국의 분할 후 서로의 세력권을 정하기 위해 영국과 프랑스 사이 비밀 협정이 체결되었다. 1915년 11월 23일부터 1916년 1월 3일까지 이어진 협상을 통해, 1월 3일 영국 외교관 마크 사이크스와 프랑스 외교관 프랑수아 조르주 피코는 각서 초안에 합의했으며, 영국에서는 같은 해 5월 9일, 프랑스에서는 5월 16일 비준되었다. 사이크스-피코 협정에서는 영국의 통치 범위를 현재의 이스라엘 남부, 팔레스타인, 요르단, 이라크 남부에 더해, 지중해로의 접근을 위해 하이파아크레의 항구 주변 영역으로 정하였다.[24] 팔레스타인의 경계는 팔레스타인 위임통치령보다 작았으며, '국제 통치' 하에 놓일 예정이었다. 사이크스-피코 협정은 이후 1918년 영국-프랑스 모두스 비벤디로 이어져, 레반트에서의 점령 적지 행정부 설립의 기반이 되었다.[25]

국제연맹에 대한 약속[편집]

The Palace des Glaces, filled with people during the signing of the Treaty of Versailles
위임통치령 체계는 베르사유 조약의 부분 I (국제연맹 규약) 제22조에 따라, '문명의 신성한 신뢰'로써 만들어졌다.

위임통치령은 우드로 윌슨이 1918년 1월 발표한 14개조 평화 원칙자결권의 행사와, 유럽 제국의 확장 욕구 사이의 절충안으로서 만들어졌다.[26] 위임통치령은 국제연맹 규약 제22조에 따라 만들어져, 베르사유 조약의 일부로서 1919년 6월 28일 체결되어, 1920년 1월 10일 발효되었다. 규약 제22조는 정확히 어떤 공동체, 민족, 영토를 다룰 것인지에 대한 계속된 논의 끝에, 조약 체결 2달 전에 작성되었으며, 제4, 5, 6항에 따라 위임통치령을 세 부류로 나누었다.

  • A형: 튀르크 제국에 속하였던 영토
  • B형: 중앙아프리카
  • C형: 서남아프리카 및 남태평양 제도 일부

조약 체결 후 정식으로 영토가 결정되기 전까지 강화 회의는 잠시 휴회되었다.[27]

위임통치령 체계는, 영토를 합병하지 않는다는 원칙과, 원주민을 위해 영토를 개발한다는 '문명의 신성한 신뢰'로써 통치한다는 원칙을 기반으로 한다.[b] 위임통치령은 제3자인 국제연맹이 위임통치령의 의무 준수 여부를 감시한다는 점에서, 기존의 보호국 체계와 차이를 보였다.[29] The mandates were to act as legal instruments containing the internationally agreed-upon terms for administering certain post-World War I territories on behalf of the League of Nations. These were of the nature of a treaty and a constitution, which contained minority-rights clauses that provided for the rights of petition and adjudication by the World Court.[30]

The process of establishing the mandates consisted of two phases: the formal removal of sovereignty of the state previously controlling the territory, followed by the transfer of mandatory powers to individual states among the Allied powers. According to the Council of the League of Nations meeting of August 1920, "draft mandates adopted by the Allied and Associated Powers would not be definitive until they had been considered and approved by the League ... the legal title held by the mandatory Power must be a double one: one conferred by the Principal Powers and the other conferred by the League of Nations."[31] Three steps were required to establish a mandate: "(1) The Principal Allied and Associated Powers confer a mandate on one of their number or on a third power; (2) the principal powers officially notify the council of the League of Nations that a certain power has been appointed mandatory for such a certain defined territory; and (3) the council of the League of Nations takes official cognisance of the appointment of the mandatory power and informs the latter that it [the council] considers it as invested with the mandate, and at the same time notifies it of the terms of the mandate, after ascertaining whether they are in conformance with the provisions of the covenant."[32][33]

Assignment to Britain[편집]

팔레스타인[편집]

See caption
January 1919 Foreign Office memorandum setting out the borders of Palestine for the Eastern Committee of the British War Cabinet before the Paris Peace Conference

Discussions about the assignment of the region's control began immediately after the war ended and continued at the Paris Peace Conference and the February 1920 Conference of London, and the assignment was made at the April 1920 San Remo conference. The Allied Supreme Council granted the mandates for Palestine and Mesopotamia to Britain, and those for Syria and Lebanon to France.[34]

In anticipation of the Peace Conference, the British devised a "Sharifian Solution" to "[make] straight all the tangle" of their various wartime commitments. This proposed that three sons of Sharif Hussein – who had since become King of the Hejaz, and his sons emirs (princes) – would be installed as kings of newly created countries across the region agreed between McMahon and Hussein in 1915. The Hashemite delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, led by Hussein's third son Emir Faisal, had been invited by the British to represent the Arabs at the conference; they had wanted Palestine to be part of the proposed Arab state, and later modified this request to an Arab state under a British mandate.[35] The delegation made two initial statements to the peace conference. The 1 January 1919 memorandum referred to the goal of "unit[ing] the Arabs eventually into one nation", defining the Arab regions as "from a line AlexandrettaPersia southward to the Indian Ocean". The 29 January memorandum[36] stipulated that "from the line Alexandretta – Diarbekr southward to the Indian Ocean" (with the boundaries of any new states) were "matters for arrangement between us, after the wishes of their respective inhabitants have been ascertained", in a reference to Woodrow Wilson's policy of self-determination.[36] In his 6 February 1919 presentation to the Paris Peace Conference, Faisal (speaking on behalf of King Hussein) asked for Arab independence or at least the right to choose the mandatory.[37][38] The Hashemites had fought with the British during the war, and received an annual subsidy from Britain; according to the confidential appendix to the August 1919 King-Crane Commission report, "the French resent the payment by the English to the Emir Faisal of a large monthly subsidy, which they claim covers a multitude of bribes, and enables the British to stand off and show clean hands while Arab agents do dirty work in their interest."[39][40]

The World Zionist Organization delegation to the Peace Conference – led by Chaim Weizmann, who had been the driving force behind the Balfour Declaration – also asked for a British mandate, asserting the "historic title of the Jewish people to Palestine".[41] The confidential appendix to the King-Crane Commission report noted that "The Jews are distinctly for Britain as mandatory power, because of the Balfour declaration."[39][40] The Zionists met with Faisal two weeks before the start of the conference in order to resolve their differences; the resulting Faisal–Weizmann Agreement was signed on 3 January 1919. Together with letter written by T. E. Lawrence in Faisal's name to Felix Frankfurter in March 1919, the agreement was used by the Zionist delegation to argue that their plans for Palestine had prior Arab approval;[42] however, the Zionists omitted Faisal's handwritten caveat that the agreement was conditional on Palestine being within the area of Arab independence.[c][42]

The French privately ceded Palestine and Mosul to the British in a December 1918 amendment to the Sykes–Picot Agreement; the amendment was finalised at a meeting in Deauville in September 1919.[43][d] Matters were confirmed at the San Remo conference, which formally assigned the mandate for Palestine to the United Kingdom under Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. Although France required the continuation of its religious protectorate in Palestine, Italy and Great Britain opposed it. France lost the religious protectorate but, thanks to the Holy See, continued to enjoy liturgical honors in Mandatory Palestine until 1924 (when the honours were abolished).[45] As Weizmann reported to his WZO colleagues in London in May 1920,[e] the boundaries of the mandated territories were unspecified at San Remo and would "be determined by the Principal Allied Powers" at a later stage.[34][f][g]

트란스요르단 추가[편집]

1918 map of the Middle East
1918년 11월 토머스 에드워드 로런스가 전시내각에 제출한 최초의 샤리프 방안으로,[49] 1921년 3월 카이로 회담으로 대체되었다.

1915년 후세인-맥마흔 서한과 1916년 사이크스–피코 협정에 따라, 트란스요르단은 아랍 국가의 일부나 아랍 국가의 연맹이 될 예정이었다. British forces retreated in spring 1918 from Transjordan after their first and second attacks on the territory,[50] indicating their political ideas about its future; they had intended the area to become part of an Arab Syrian state.[h] The British subsequently defeated the Ottoman forces in Transjordan in late September 1918, just a few weeks before the Ottoman Empire's overall surrender.[52]

Transjordan was not mentioned during the 1920 discussions at San Remo, at which the Mandate for Palestine was awarded.[34][f] Britain and France agreed that the eastern border of Palestine would be the Jordan river as laid out in the Sykes–Picot Agreement.[i][53] That year, two principles emerged from the British government. The first was that the Palestine government would not extend east of the Jordan; the second was the government's chosen – albeit disputed – interpretation of the McMahon-Hussein Correspondence, which proposed that Transjordan be included in the area of "Arab independence" (excluding Palestine).[54][j]

Courtyard crowded with people
Herbert Samuel's proclamation in Salt on 21 August 1920 at the courtyard of the Assumption of Our Lady Catholic Church. Samuel was admonished a few days later by Curzon, who said: "There must be no question of setting up any British administration in that area".[56][57][58]

Regarding Faisal's Arab Kingdom of Syria, the French removed Hashim al-Atassi's newly proclaimed nationalist government and expelled King Faisal from Syria after the 23 July 1920 Battle of Maysalun. The French formed a new Damascus state after the battle, and refrained from extending their rule into the southern part of Faisal's domain; Transjordan became for a time a no-man's land[k] or, as Samuel put it, "politically derelict".[60][61]

위임통치령의 국경에 대한 의문이 언급되지 않았다는 점에서, 정치적 상황이 충분히 명료하게 다루어지지 않았다는 여러 불만이 있었습니다. 위임통치령은 이제 공표되어, 한 가지 예외를 제외하고는 바꿀 수 없으며, 이 예외를 지금부터 설명하겠습니다. 처음 위임통치령에서 위임통치령의 범위를 벗어난 것으로 보았던 트란스요르단이 이제 포함되어 있습니다. 현재 국제연맹에 제출된 위임통치령 제25조에는 이 변경점이 포함되었습니다. 이로써, 드 리엠 씨, 동쪽 국경에 관한 문제는 해답을 얻었습니다. 이 질문은 만약 서안 지구가 꽉 차 트란스요르단으로 넘쳐 흐르면 더 좋은 해답을 얻을 것입니다. 북쪽 국경은 아직도 만족스럽지 못합니다. 우리는 모든 진술을 했고, 모든 주장을 제기했으며, 영국 정부는 이에 관하여 모든 것을 했습니다. 유감스러운 말씀이지만, 우리가 원하는 것을 받지 못했습니다. 우리가 받은 유일한 것은 수자원권에 대한 논의에서 발언을 할 수 있게끔 하는 양보뿐이었습니다. 그리고 바로 일주일 전, 팔레스타인 통치기구가 군인 몇 명의 압력을 받아 우리의 국경을 바꾸고자 했을 때 우리는 제일 강하게 항의하였으며 합의했던 선을 따라 국경을 확실시했습니다. 만족스럽지는 않지만, 우리가 가진 힘으로는 다른 아무것도 얻을 수 없습니다. 위임통치령도 마찬가지입니다.
세계 시온주의 기구 회장 하임 바이츠만의 연설[62][63]
대회는 유대인이 항상 에레츠 이스라엘의 필수적인 부분으로 여겼던 트란스요르단이 다시 팔레스타인 위임통치령의 땅으로 흡수되는 것을 만족스럽게 여긴다. 대회는 행정부의 모든 노력에도 불구하고 에레츠 이스라엘의 북쪽 국경이 만족스러운 해결책을 얻지 못한 것을 개탄한다.
—대회 발표, III. 국경[64]

1921년 9월 1일~ 14일에, 밸푸어 선언 이후 처음으로 열린 12차 시온주의자 대회에서의 발췌문으로, 제25조가 시온주의의 승리로 표현되었는데, 당시 제25조의 의도가 트란스요르단을 제외하려는 것이라는 사실은 발표되지 않았던 상태였다.

After the French occupation, the British suddenly wanted to know "what is the 'Syria' for which the French received a mandate at San Remo?" and "does it include Transjordania?".[65] British Foreign Minister Lord Curzon ultimately decided that it did not; Transjordan would remain independent, but in a close relationship with Palestine.[l][66] On 6 August 1920, Curzon wrote to newly appointed High Commissioner Herbert Samuel about Transjordan: "I suggest that you should let it be known forthwith that in the area south of the Sykes–Picot line, we will not admit French authority and that our policy for this area to be independent but in closest relations with Palestine."[67][68] Samuel replied to Curzon, "After the fall of Damascus a fortnight ago ... Sheiks and tribes east of Jordan utterly dissatisfied with Shareefian Government most unlikely would accept revival",[69][70] and asked to put parts of Transjordan directly under his administrative control.[m] Two weeks later, on 21 August, Samuel visited Transjordan without authorisation from London;[n][72] at a meeting with 600 leaders in Salt, he announced the independence of the area from Damascus and its absorption into the mandate (proposing to quadruple the area under his control by tacit capitulation). Samuel assured his audience that Transjordan would not be merged with Palestine.[73][o] Curzon was in the process of reducing British military expenditures, and was unwilling to commit significant resources to an area considered of marginal strategic value.[71] He immediately repudiated Samuel's action, and sent (via the Foreign Office) a reiteration of his instructions to minimize the scope of British involvement in the area: "There must be no question of setting up any British administration in that area".[56][p] At the end of September 1920, Curzon instructed an Assistant Secretary at the Foreign Office, Robert Vansittart, to leave the eastern boundary of Palestine undefined and avoid "any definite connection" between Transjordan and Palestine to leave the way open for an Arab government in Transjordan.[q][77] Curzon subsequently wrote in February 1921, "I am very concerned about Transjordania ... Sir H.Samuel wants it as an annex of Palestine and an outlet for the Jews. Here I am against him."[78]

Abdullah, the brother of recently deposed King Faisal, marched into Ma'an at the head of an army of from 300 to 2,000 men on 21 November 1920.[79][80] Between then and the end of March 1921, Abdullah's army occupied all of Transjordan with some local support and no British opposition.[r]

See caption
12 March 1921 British memorandum explaining the situation of Transjordan: "His Majesty's Government have been entrusted with the Mandate for 'Palestine'. If they wish to assert their claim to Trans-Jordan and to avoid raising with other Powers the legal status of that area, they can only do so by proceeding upon the assumption that Trans-Jordan forms part of the area covered by the Palestine Mandate. In default of this assumption Trans-Jordan would be left, under article 132 of the Treaty of Sèvres, to the disposal of the principal Allied Powers."[83] From 12 to 25 March 1921, the inclusion of Transjordan in the mandate was formulated by the British government.[84]
See caption
25 March 1921 proposal, approved a week later, to include Transjordan via Article 25: "On the assumption that ... provision is made in some way in final political arrangements as regards Trans-Jordania for its inclusion within the boundaries of Palestine as eventually fixed, but under a form of administration different from that of Palestine, however undesirable it may be for His Majesty's Government themselves to propose alterations of the mandates at this stage, they were inclined to view that when the "A" mandates come to be considered by the Council of the League it would be wise in this case to propose to that body the insertion ... after article 24 of the Palestine mandate ..."[s]

The Cairo Conference was convened on 12 March 1921 by Winston Churchill, then Britain's Colonial Secretary, and lasted until 30 March. It was intended to endorse an arrangement whereby Transjordan would be added to the Palestine mandate, with Abdullah as the emir under the authority of the High Commissioner, and with the condition that the Jewish National Home provisions of the Palestine mandate would not apply there.[t] On the first day of the conference, the Middle East Department of the Colonial Office set out the situation of Transjordan in a memorandum.[86] On 21 March 1921, the Foreign and Colonial Office legal advisers decided to introduce Article 25 into the Palestine Mandate to allow for the addition of Transjordan.[u]

Drafting[편집]

The intended mandatory powers were required to submit written statements to the League of Nations during the Paris Peace Conference proposing the rules of administration in the mandated areas.[88] Drafting of the Palestine mandate began well before it was formally awarded at San Remo in April 1920, since it was evident after the end of the war that Britain was the favored power in the region.[v][w] The mandate had a number of drafts: the February 1919 Zionist proposals to the peace conference; a December 1919 "compromise" draft between the British and the Zionists; a June 1920 draft after Curzon's "watering down", and the December 1920 draft submitted to the League of Nations for comment.[x][90]

1919: Initial Zionist-British discussions[편집]

In the spring of 1919 the experts of the British Delegation of the Peace Conference in Paris opened informal discussions with representatives of the Zionist Organisation on the draft of a Mandate for Palestine. In the drafting and discussion in Paris Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow received valuable aid from the American Zionist Delegation. Towards the end of 1919 the British Delegation returned to London and as during the protracted negotiations Dr. Weizmann was often unavoidably absent in Palestine, and Mr. Sokolow in Paris, the work was carried on for some time by a temporary political committee, of which the Right Hon. Sir Herbert (then Mr.) Samuel, Dr. Jacobson, Dr. Feiwel, Mr. Sacher (of the Manchester Guardian), Mr. Landman, and Mr. Ben Cohen were the first members. The later stage of the drafting negotiations were carried on by a sub-comimittee consisting of Messrs. Sacher, Stein and Ben Cohen, formed specially for the Mandate and frontier questions. Drafts for the Mandate were prepared for the Zionist leaders by Professor Frankfurter and Mr. Gans. After consultation with various members of the Actions Committee and Palestinian [Jewish] delegates then in Paris, these proposals were handed to the British Delegation and were largely embodied in the first tentative draft, dated July 15th, 1919.
—Political Report, 2. The Palestine Mandate Negotiations, 1919–1921.[91][92][93]

Excerpts relating to the creation of the first full draft of the Mandate for Palestine, from a September 1921 Zionist Organization report of the 12th Zionist Congress, the first following the Balfour Declaration.

The February 1919 Zionist Proposal to the Peace Conference was not discussed at the time, since the Allies' discussions were focused elsewhere. It was not until July 1919 that direct negotiations began between the British Foreign Office and the Zionists, after the production of a full draft mandate by the British. The British draft contained 29 articles, compared to the Zionist proposal's five articles.[y] However, the Zionist Organisation Report stated that a draft was presented by the Zionist Organization to the British on 15 July 1919.[95]

Balfour authorised diplomatic secretary Eric Forbes Adam to begin negotiations with the Zionist Organization. On the Zionist side, the drafting was led by Ben Cohen on behalf of Weizmann, Felix Frankfurter and other Zionist leaders.[94][z] By December 1919, they had negotiated a "compromise" draft.[94]

1920: Curzon negotiations[편집]

See caption
The draft mandate, published at Cmd. 1176, was submitted by Lord Balfour on 7 December 1920 to the Secretariat General of the League of Nations for the approval of the Council of the League of Nations. The changes between December 1920 and July 1922 were primarily focused on protection of the Holy Places (Articles 14 and 21) and the addition of Transjordan (Article 25).

Although Curzon took over from Balfour in October, he did not play an active role in the drafting until mid-March.[97] Israeli historian Dvorah Barzilay-Yegar notes that he was sent a copy of the December draft and commented, "... the Arabs are rather forgotten ...". When Curzon received the draft of 15 March 1920, he was "far more critical"[98] and objected to "... formulations that would imply recognition of any legal rights ..." (for example, that the British government would be "responsible for placing Palestine under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of a Jewish national home and the development of a self-governing Commonwealth ...").[99] Curzon insisted on revisions until the 10 June draft removed his objections;[100] the paragraph recognising the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine was removed from the preamble, and "self-governing commonwealth" was replaced by "self-governing institutions". "The recognition of the establishment of the Jewish National Home as the guiding principle in the execution of the Mandate" was omitted.[101]

After strenuous objection to the proposed changes, the statement concerning the historical connections of the Jews with Palestine was re-incorporated into the Mandate in December 1920.[95] The draft was submitted to the League of Nations on 7 December 1920,[101] and was published in the Times on 3 February 1921.[102]

1921: Transjordan article[편집]

The inclusion of Article 25 was approved by Curzon on 31 March 1921, and the revised final draft of the mandate was forwarded to the League of Nations on 22 July 1922.[87] Article 25 permitted the mandatory to "postpone or withhold application of such provisions of the mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions" in that region. The final text of the Mandate includes an Article 25, which states:

In the territories lying between the Jordan [river] and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions.[103]

The new article was intended to enable Britain "to set up an Arab administration and to withhold indefinitely the application of those clauses of the mandate which relate to the establishment of the National Home for the Jews", as explained in a Colonial Office letter three days later.[aa] This created two administrative areas – Palestine, under direct British rule, and the autonomous Emirate of Transjordan under the rule of the Hashemite family – in accordance with the British Government's amended interpretation of the 1915 McMahon–Hussein Correspondence.[104][ab] At discussions in Jerusalem on 28 March, Churchill proposed his plan to Abdullah that Transjordan would be accepted into the mandatory area as an Arab country apart from Palestine and that it would be (initially for six months) under the nominal rule of the Emir Abdullah.[106] Churchill said that Transjordan would not form part of the Jewish national home to be established west of the River Jordan:[107][108][ac][ad]

Trans-Jordania would not be included in the present administrative system of Palestine, and therefore the Zionist clauses of the mandate would not apply. Hebrew would not be made an official language in Trans-Jordania and the local Government would not be expected to adopt any measures to promote Jewish immigration and colonisation.[111]

Abdullah's six-month trial was extended, and by the following summer he began to voice his impatience at the lack of formal confirmation.[ae]

1921–22: Palestinian Arab attempted involvement[편집]

See caption
{{{annotations}}}
A New York Times report on 31 August 1921 on the Syrian–Palestinian Congress's message to the League of Nations "of the desire of the Syrian and Palestinian populations for complete independence outside of any power"

The drafting was carried out with no input from any Arabs, despite the fact that their disagreement with the Balfour Declaration was well known.[af] Palestinian political opposition began to organise in 1919 in the form of the Palestine Arab Congress, which formed from the local Muslim-Christian Associations. In March 1921, new British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill came to the region to form British policy on the ground at the Cairo Conference. The leader of the Palestine congress, Musa al-Husayni, had tried to present the views of the Executive Committee in Cairo and (later) Jerusalem but was rebuffed both times.[114][115] In the summer of 1921, the 4th Palestine Arab Congress sent a delegation led by Musa al-Husayni to London to negotiate on behalf of the Muslim and Christian population.[ag] On the way, the delegation held meetings with Pope Benedict XV and diplomats from the League of Nations in Geneva (where they also met Balfour, who was non-committal).[117] In London, they had three meetings with Winston Churchill in which they called for reconsideration of the Balfour Declaration, revocation of the Jewish National Home policy, an end to Jewish immigration and that Palestine should not be severed from its neighbours. All their demands were rejected, although they received encouragement from some Conservative Members of Parliament.[118][119][120]

Musa al-Husayni led a 1922 delegation to Ankara and then to the Lausanne Conference, where (after Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's victories against the Greek army in Turkey) the Treaty of Sèvres was about to be re-negotiated. The Palestinian delegation hoped that with Atatürk's support, they would be able to get the Balfour Declaration and mandate policy omitted from the new treaty. The delegation met with Turkey's lead negotiator, İsmet Pasha, who promised that "Turkey would insist upon the Arabs’ right of self-determination and ... the Palestinian delegation should be permitted to address the conference"; however, he avoided further meetings and other members of the Turkish delegation made clear their intention to "accept the post–World War I status quo".[121] During the negotiations, Ismet Pasha refused to recognise or accept the mandates;[ah] although they were not referenced in the final treaty, it had no impact on the implementation of the mandate policy set in motion three years earlier.[121]

1922: Final amendments[편집]

Each of the principal Allied powers had a hand in drafting the proposed mandate, although some (including the United States) had not declared war on the Ottoman Empire and did not become members of the League of Nations.[124]

영국 위임통치령 문서의 주요 초안[125][126][99][127]
초안 협상 대상자 전 초안과의 주요 차이점
3 February 1919
Zionist Organization draft
(Wikisource)
Zionist Organization draft signed by Walter Rothschild, the Zionist Organization (Nahum Sokolow and Chaim Weizmann); the Zionist Organization of America (Julian Mack, Stephen S. Wise, Harry Friedenwald, Jacob de Haas, Mary Fels, Louis Robison and Bernard Flexner), and the Russian Zionist Organization (Israel Rosoff).[128] Submitted in February and reviewed by the British in April 1919.[94] First version submitted to the Peace Conference. The draft contained only five clauses, of which the fifth contained five sub-clauses.[94]
15 July 1919[92][93]
British Foreign Office draft
(Wikisource)
British Foreign Office (Political Section) draft after discussion with the Zionist Organization, which later claimed that the proposals they put to the British were "largely embodied" in this draft.[92] First official draft of the mandate[129] The preamble and 29 clauses adhered closely to the principles proposed by the Zionists.[94][93] Relevant changes included:
  • In the preamble: "recogniseing the historical titleconnection of the Jewish people towith Palestine and the right of the Jews to reconstitute in Palestine their National Homeclaim which this gives them to find a national home in that country"[94]
  • The reduction of the British obligation to accept advice from a Jewish Council[94]
24 September 1919
Zionist Organization proposal
(Wikisource)
Zionist Organization counterproposal presented by Cohen to Forbes-Adam,[94] with amendments drafted by the Zionist "Actions Committee" in London in July and August[130]
  • '팔레스타인'의 번역으로써 '에레츠 이스라엘'이 추가됨.[131]
  • '그 국가 내에서 조국을 설립한다'를 '팔레스타인을 조국으로써 재편성한다'로 대체함.[131]
  • Added that the Jewish Agency "shall have a pre-emptive right" over economic concessions;[131]
  • Removed article guaranteeing the property rights of religious organisations;[131]
  • Required the Government to recognise the Jewish Sabbath and Jewish holidays as legal days of rest.[131]
11 December 1919
"provisionally agreed upon between Zionist Organisation and British Delegation"
(Wikisource)
Provisional agreement reached after discussions in Paris in early December between Forbes-Adam and Herbert William Malkin for the British Foreign Office and Cohen for the Zionist Organization.[132][97] Forbes-Adam warned the Zionists that "this was not the final word".[97]
  • "Almost identical" to the September Zionist proposal with respect to the primary areas of Zionist concern; e.g. the preamble was substantially unchanged.[97]
  • Removed the article: "The control and administration of Moslem Wakuf property in Palestine shall be undertaken by the Government, who shall respect Moslem law and the wishes of the founders, sofar as may be consistent with the public interests of the country as a whole";[133]
  • Also removed was an article proposing that civil-law matters should be subject to separate judicial arrangements for Jews and Muslims;[133]
  • Further detail was added to the articles about Jewish acquisition of citizenship and the protection of foreigners.[133]
10 June 1920
Submitted to the British Cabinet
(Wikisource)
Curzon
25 September 1920
Submitted to the British Cabinet
(Wikisource)
Curzon
7 December 1920
Submitted for review by the League of Nations (LoN)
(Wikisource)
Curzon Comparison with the 25 September 1920 draft:
  • Preamble restored: "Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their National Home in that country";[90]
  • Two articles regarding potential boundary demarcation removed (Articles 2 and 3 of the September version).
24 July 1922
Approved by the Council of the LoN
(Wikisource)
Council of the League of Nations; Transjordan change proposed by the British government at the March 1921 Cairo Conference; other changes proposed by other members of the Council of the League.[134] Comparison with the 7 December 1920 draft:

Approvals[편집]

British Parliament[편집]

British public and government opinion became increasingly opposed to state support for Zionism, and even Sykes had begun to change his views in late 1918.[ai] In February 1922 Churchill telegraphed Samuel, who had begun his role as High Commissioner for Palestine 18 months earlier, asking for cuts in expenditure and noting:

In both Houses of Parliament there is growing movement of hostility, against Zionist policy in Palestine, which will be stimulated by recent Northcliffe articles.[aj] I do not attach undue importance to this movement, but it is increasingly difficult to meet the argument that it is unfair to ask the British taxpayer, already overwhelmed with taxation, to bear the cost of imposing on Palestine an unpopular policy.[137]

The House of Lords rejected a Palestine Mandate incorporating the Balfour Declaration by 60 votes to 25 after the June 1922 issuance of the Churchill White Paper, following a motion proposed by Lord Islington.[138][139] The vote was only symbolic, since it was subsequently overruled by a vote in the House of Commons after a tactical pivot and a number of promises by Churchill.[138][ak][al]

In February 1923, after a change in government, Cavendish laid the foundation for a secret review of Palestine policy in a lengthy memorandum to the Cabinet:

It would be idle to pretend that the Zionist policy is other than an unpopular one. It has been bitterly attacked in Parliament and is still being fiercely assailed in certain sections of the press. The ostensible grounds of attack are threefold:(1) the alleged violation of the McMahon pledges; (2) the injustice of imposing upon a country a policy to which the great majority of its inhabitants are opposed; and (3) the financial burden upon the British taxpayer ...[142]

His cover note asked for a statement of policy to be made as soon as possible, and for the cabinet to focus on three questions: (1) whether or not pledges to the Arabs conflict with the Balfour declaration; (2) if not, whether the new government should continue the policy set down by the old government in the 1922 White Paper and (3) if not, what alternative policy should be adopted.[143]

Stanley Baldwin, who took over as Prime Minister on 22 May 1923, set up a cabinet subcommittee in June 1923 whose terms of reference were to "examine Palestine policy afresh and to advise the full Cabinet whether Britain should remain in Palestine and whether if she remained, the pro-Zionist policy should be continued".[144] The Cabinet approved the report of this subcommittee on 31 July 1923; when presenting the subcommittee's report to the Cabinet, Curzon concluded that "wise or unwise, it is well nigh impossible for any government to extricate itself without a substantial sacrifice of consistency and self-respect, if not honour."[145] Describing it as "nothing short of remarkable", international law specialist Professor John B. Quigley noted that the government was admitting to itself that its support for Zionism had been prompted by considerations having nothing to do with the merits of Zionism or its consequences for Palestine.[146] Documents related to the 1923 reappraisal remained secret until the early 1970s.[147]

미국[편집]

미국은 국제연맹의 회원국이 아니었다. 위임통치령 문서가 국제연맹에 제출된 후 2달이 경과한 시점인 1921년 2월 23일, 미국은 국제연맹 총회의 결의 전 의견을 제시할 권한을 달라고 요청했으며, 일주일 후 승인을 받았다.[148] 다음 해 5월 14일까지 이어진 논의 끝에, 미국 정부는 팔레스타인 위임통치령에 관련하여 영국과의 합의 사항을 발표했으며,[148][149] 조건 중에는 '위임통치령의 문구에 어떠한 변화를 주기 전 미국의 동의를 얻어야 한다'는 내용도 있었다.[150][151] 미국 국무부의 반대에도 불구하고[152] 같은 해 9월 22일에는 의회의 승인을 얻었다.[7][153][154]

1924년 12월 3일, 미국은 영국과의 조약인 팔레스타인 위임통치령 협약을 체결하였으며, 내용은 미국이 '통치에 동의한다'(제1조)와, 재산권이나 사업권 등 미국의 8가지 염려 사항과 관련한 것이었다.[155][156] 국무부는 위임통치령에서 미국이 차지하는 위치에 대한 보고서를 제작하였다.[157]

국제연맹 총회: 위임통치령[편집]

On 17 May 1922, in a discussion of the date on which the question of the Draft Mandate for Palestine should be placed on the agenda of the Council of the League of Nations, Lord Balfour informed the Council of his government's understanding of the role of the League in the creation of mandates:

[the] Mandates were not the creation of the League, and they could not in substance be altered by the League. The League's duties were confined to seeing that the specific and detailed terms of the mandates were in accordance with the decisions taken by the Allied and Associated Powers, and that in carrying out these mandates the Mandatory Powers should be under the supervision—not under the control—of the League. A mandate was a self-imposed limitation by the conquerors on the sovereignty which they exercised over the conquered territory.[158]

See caption
The mandates come into force according to the Council of the League of Nations minutes, 29 September 1923
Documents from the time of conditional approval and effective date. The New York Times article describes Balfour falling asleep during the meetings and the reaction in Palestine to the House of Lords' repudiation of the Mandate a month earlier.

The Council of the League of Nations met between 19 and 24 July 1922 to approve the class A mandates for Palestine and Syria (minutes of the meetings can be read here). The Palestine mandate was approved on 22 July 1922 at a private meeting of the Council of the League of Nations at St. James Palace in London,[26] giving the British formal international recognition of the position they had held de facto in the region since the end of 1917 in Palestine and since 1920–21 in Transjordan.[26] The Council stated that the mandate was approved and would come into effect "automatically" when the dispute between France and Italy was resolved.[am] A public statement confirming this was made by the president of the council on 24 July.[an][161] 1922년 10월 로마 진군 후 총리가 된 베니토 무솔리니는 위임통치령의 적용을 지연시켰다.[ao] 1923년 8월 23일, 앙카라의 튀르키예 의회는 재적 235명 중 찬성 215명으로, 로잔 조약을 비준하였다.[163][164][165][ap]

The Council of the League of Nations determined that the two mandates had come into effect at its 29 September 1923 meeting.[aq][168] The dispute between France and Italy was resolved by the Turkish ratification.[ar][170][104][as]

국제연맹 총회: 트란스요르단 각서[편집]

1922년 9월 16일, 국제연맹 총회의 트란스요르단 각서 승인.

1922년 7월 있었던 위임통치령 승인 직후, 식민성은 제25조를 적용하기 위한 각서를 준비했다.[at] 1922년 9월 16일 국제연맹 총회는, 유대인 정착촌과 관련한 조항에서 트란스요르단을 제외하는 방안이 담긴, 트란스요르단 각서를 승인하였다.[173][174][175] 밸푸어는 국제연맹 총회에 각서를 제출하며, 각서에 대한 배경을 설명하였다. 이와 관련해서 회의록에 담긴 내용은 다음과 같다.[175]

밸푸어 경은 자신의 동료들에게, 1922년 7월 24일 런던 의회에서 승인한 팔레스타인 위임통치령 제25조에서는, 요르단 동쪽에 있는 팔레스타인 영토는 나머지 팔레스타인과 다른 정권 하에 있어야 함을 나타낸다고 상기시켰다. (중략) 영국 정부는 지금 단지 이 조항을 이행할 것을 제안했을 뿐이다. 이는 항상 연맹이 심사숙고하고 영국 정부가 승인한 정책의 일부였으며, 후자는 이제 이를 이행하기를 원한다. 제25조에 구체화되어 있는 이 정책을 이행하기 위해, 밸푸어 경은 이 영토와 관련하여 위임통치령을 수정하는 일련의 결의안을 총회가 통과시켜 달라고 요청했다. 이 결의안들의 목적은 요르단 서쪽의 유대인에게 조국을 주기 위한 특별 조항을 트란스요르단에서 철회하는 것이었다.

튀르키예[편집]

튀르키예는 제1차 세계 대전의 패전국으로 분류되었으며, 1932년까지 국제연맹에 가입하지 않았다. 산레모 회담에서 연합국이 진행한, 오스만 영토에 대한 위임통치령 할당은, 1920년 8월 10일 연합국과 오스만 제국 간에 체결한 세브르 조약에 기록되어 있다. 하지만 오스만 정부는 세브르 조약을 비준하지 않았으며,[176] 특히 조약 반대를 주도했던 무스타파 케말 아타튀르크는 바로 튀르키예 독립 전쟁을 진행하였다. 1922년 11월 세브르 조약을 대체할 조약을 만들기 위해 진행한 회담 결과, 1923년 7월 24일 로잔 조약이 체결되며, 앙카라 조약에서 동의한 전선보다 남쪽의 영토 전체에 대한 영유권을 포기하였다. 영유권 주장을 포기한 영토에는 팔레스타인이 포함되어 있다.[176]

주요 쟁점[편집]

유대인을 위한 조국 (전문, 제2, 제4, 제6, 제7, 제11조)[편집]

"시온주의자의 환호. 영국 위임통치령 팔레스타인 환영받다" (타임스, 1920년 4월 26일 월요일, 산레모 협정 후)

위임통치령 문서 전문의 2번째 문단의 내용은 다음과 같다.

주요 연합국은 위임통치령에게 브리튼 국왕 폐하의 정부에 의하고 앞서 언급한 국가가 도입한, 팔레스타인 내 유대인을 위한 조국을 설립하는 것을 지지하는 1917년 11월 2일 이루어진 기존의 선언을 실현하기 위한 책임이 있다고 동의한 바 있으므로, 기존부터 팔레스타인에 존재하는 비유대인 공동체의 시민권 및 종교권이나, 다른 국가에서 유대인이 누리는 권리와 정치적 지위에 악영향을 끼칠 수 있는 어떠한 행동도 취해져서는 안 된다고 분명히 이해되고 있으며...[177]

바이츠만은 자신의 회고록에, 위임통치령에서 제일 중요한 부분이자 제일 어려운 협상은 전문에서 '유대인과 팔레스타인의 역사적 연관성을 인정'한 부분이었다고 기록했다.[au] Curzon and the Italian and French governments rejected early drafts of the mandate because the preamble had contained a passage which read, "Recognising, moreover, the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and the claim which this gives them to reconstitute it their national home..."[178] The Palestine Committee set up by the Foreign Office recommended that the reference to "the claim" be omitted. The Allies had already noted the historical connection in the Treaty of Sèvres, but had not acknowledged a legal claim. Lord Balfour suggested an alternative which was accepted and included in the preamble immediately after the paragraph quoted above:

Whereas recognition has thereby [i.e. by the Treaty of Sèvres] been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine, and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country;[179]

위임통치령 문서의 제4조에는 시온주의 기구가 언급되며, 1920년 9월 초안에서부터 "행정부가 적절하다는 의견을 내놓는 한"이라는 조건이 추가되었다.[90] '유대인 기구'는 제4조, 제6조, 제11조에서 언급되는데,[90] Article 4 of the mandate provided for "the recognition of an appropriate Jewish agency as a public body for the purpose of advising and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine in such economic, social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish National Home and the interests of the Jewish population of Palestine," effectively establishing what became the "Jewish Agency for Palestine". Article 7 stated, "The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine."[177] The proviso to this objective of the mandate was that "nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine".[177]

Religious and communal issues (Articles 13–16 and 23)[편집]

Religious and communal guarantees, such as freedom of religion and education, were made in general terms without reference to a specific religion.[90] The Vatican and the Italian and French governments concentrated their efforts on the issue of the Holy Places and the rights of the Christian communities,[180] making their legal claims on the basis of the former Protectorate of the Holy See and the French Protectorate of Jerusalem. The Catholic powers saw an opportunity to reverse the gains made by the Greek and Russian Orthodox communities in the region during the previous 150 years, as documented in the Status Quo.[181] The Zionists had limited interest in this area.[182]

Britain would assume responsibility for the Holy Places under Article 13 of the mandate. The idea of an International Commission to resolve claims on the Holy Places, formalised in Article 95 of the Treaty of Sèvres, was taken up again in article 14 of the Palestinian Mandate. Negotiations about the commission's formation and role were partly responsible for the delay in ratifying the mandate. Article 14 of the mandate required Britain to establish a commission to study, define, and determine the rights and claims relating to Palestine's religious communities. This provision, which called for the creation of a commission to review the Status Quo of the religious communities, was never implemented.[183][184]

Article 15 required the mandatory administration to ensure that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship were permitted. According to the article, "No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief." The High Commissioner established the authority of the Orthodox Rabbinate over the members of the Jewish community and retained a modified version of the Ottoman Millet system. Formal recognition was extended to eleven religious communities, which did not include non-Orthodox Jews or the Protestant Christian denominations.[185]

Transjordan (Article 25 and Transjordan memorandum)[편집]

The public clarification and implementation of Article 25, more than a year after it was added to the mandate, misled some "into imagining that Transjordanian territory was covered by the conditions of the Mandate as to the Jewish National Home before August 1921".[av] This would, according to professor of modern Jewish history Bernard Wasserstein, result in "the myth of Palestine's 'first partition' [which became] part of the concept of 'Greater Israel' and of the ideology of Jabotinsky's Revisionist movement".[t][aw] Palestinian-American academic Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, then chair of the Northwestern University political science department, suggested that the "Jordan as a Palestinian State" references made by Israeli spokespeople may reflect "the same [mis]understanding".[ax][188]

On 25 April 1923, five months before the mandate came into force, the independent administration was recognised in a statement made in Amman:

Subject to the approval of the League of Nations, His Britannic Majesty will recognise the existence of an independent Government in Trans-jordan under the rule of His Highness the Amir Abdullah, provided that such Government is constitutional and places His Britannic Majesty in a position to fulfil his international obligations in respect of the territory by means of an Agreement to be concluded with His Highness.[189][190]

Legality[편집]

Two-page document
1921 Zionist Organization legal argument, written by barrister William Finlay about the Mandate for Palestine and Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations

The legality of the mandate has been disputed in detail by scholars, particularly its consistency with Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations.[191][192][193][194][195][ay] According to the mandate's preamble, the mandate was granted to Britain "for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations". That article, which concerns entrusting the "tutelage" of colonies formerly under German and Turkish sovereignty to "advanced nations", specifies "[c]ommunities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire" which "have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone."[197] During the mandate, Palestinian Arab leaders cited the article as proving their assertion that the British were obliged (under the terms of the mandate) to facilitate the eventual creation of an independent Arab state in Palestine.[198]

국경[편집]

제1차 세계 대전 종전 후 팔레스타인 통치안 3개.
  국제 통치 (1916년 사이크스–피코 협정)
  1923년 ~ 1948년 팔레스타인 위임통치령의 최종 국경

위임통치령 팔레스타인에 해당하는 영토는, 제1차 세계 대전 이전 오스만 제국의 행정 구분에서는 예루살렘 무타사리프령베이루트 빌라예트의 남부(시리아 빌라예트 남부 및 헤자즈 빌라예트 북부)에 해당했다.[199] 전쟁 중 영국은 헤자즈 원정군과 이집트 원정군 사이의 경계를 아카바 남쪽의 점에서 마안 남쪽의 점을 잇는 직선으로 정의했으며, 이집트 원정군 전역은 다시 팔레스타인 전역과, 파이살의 아랍 반란군 주도의 시리아 전역으로 나뉘었다.[200] 전후 이 지역은 남부 OETA와, 아랍인 총독이 통치한 동부 OETA로 나뉘었는데, 구분 방식 자체는 같았다.[201][202] 이츠하크 길하르는 "팔레스타인 군정은 항상 트란스요르단을 관할 바깥에 있는 별도의 행정부로 보았다"고 언급했으며,[201] 우리 라아난은 OETA 사이의 경계가 "법적으로는 아니지만, 정치적으로 전후 정착에 영향을 미칠 수밖에 없다"고 썼다.[203]

파리 강화 회의 도중인 1919년 9월 13일, 로이드 조지는 조르주 클레망소와의 개별 회담 도중, 클레망소에게 영국 위임통치령이 "단에서 브엘세바에 이르는 고대 경계와 유사하게 정해질 것"이라고 적힌 각서를 건냈다.[204][az]

The biblical concept of Eretz Israel and its re-establishment as a modern state was a basic tenet of the original Zionist program. Chaim Weizmann, leader of the Zionist delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, presented a Zionist statement on 3 February 1919 that declared the Zionists' proposed borders and resources "essential for the necessary economic foundation of the country" including "the control of its rivers and their headwaters".[206]틀:Bsn These borders included present day Israel and the Israeli-occupied territories, western Jordan, southwestern Syria and southern Lebanon "in the vicinity south of Sidon".[207]틀:Bsn Neither Palestinians nor any other Arabs were involved in the discussions which determined the boundaries of Mandatory Palestine.[ba][208]

팔레스타인-이집트 국경[편집]

파리 강회 회의에서 영국이 처음 제안한 팔레스타인의 남쪽 국경.[209] 이 국경은 1906년 이집트-오스만 국경을 따라 알아주라까지 간 후, 네게브까지 동서를 따라 직선으로 이어진다.

제일 먼저 정해진 국경은 영국령 이집트와의 국경이었다.[210] 1919년 5월 9일, 파리 강화 회의에 파견된 영국 대표단의 각서에는 1906년 기준 이집트와 오스만 제국 간의 국경을 사용하려고 했다는 내용이 담겨 있으며,[211] 결과적으로 시온주의자와 이집트 간 합의한 국경은 비교적 명확하게 정해졌다.[211]

1922년 7월 10일 네게브 지역이 '트란스요르단에 대한 보상'으로써 팔레스타인에 추가되었다. 네게브는 보통 팔레스타인으로 보지 않았지만, 시온주의 단체에서는 팔레스타인이 홍해로 접근할 수 있어야 한다고 주장했으며,[bb] 네게브를 트란스요르단으로 편입해 달라는 1922년 및 1925년의 압둘라의 요구는 거부되었다.[213]

북쪽 국경[편집]

위임통치령의 북쪽 국경은 다른 곳보다 정하기 더 복잡했고, 정하는 과정에도 오랜 시간이 소모되었는데,[214] 이는 다른 국경은 영국 통치 지역 사이의 경계였지만 북쪽 국경은 프랑스와 영국 사이를 나눈 국제적인 경계였으며, 다른 지역에 비해 인구 밀도가 높아 자연적인 경계가 없는 지역을 지난다는 차이가 있었기 때문이었다.[215]

The northern boundary between the British and French mandates was broadly defined by the Franco-British Boundary Agreement of December 1920; this became known as the Paulet–Newcombe Agreement for French Lieutenant Colonel N. Paulet and British Lieutenant Colonel S. F. Newcombe, who were appointed to lead the 1923 Boundary Commission to finalise the agreement.[216] It placed most of the Golan Heights in the French sphere, and established a joint commission to settle and mark the border. The commission submitted its final report on 3 February 1922; it was approved with some caveats by the British and French governments on 7 March 1923, several months before Britain and France assumed their mandatory responsibilities on 29 September 1923.[217][218] Under the treaty, Syrian and Lebanese residents would have the same fishing and navigation rights on Lake Hula, the Sea of Galilee and the Jordan River as citizens of Mandatory Palestine, but the government of Palestine would be responsible for policing the lakes. The Zionist movement pressured the French and British to include as many water sources as possible in Palestine during the demarcating negotiations. The movement's demands influenced the negotiators, leading to the inclusion of the Sea of Galilee, both sides of the Jordan River, Lake Hula, the Dan spring, and part of the Yarmouk River. As High Commissioner of Palestine, Herbert Samuel had demanded full control of the Sea of Galilee.[219] The new border followed a 10-미터-wide (33 ft) strip along the northeastern shore.[220] After the settlement of the northern-border issue, the British and French governments signed an agreement of good neighbourly relations between the mandated territories of Palestine, Syria and Lebanon on 2 February 1926.[221]

팔레스타인-트란스요르단 국경[편집]

See caption
Vital Cuinet's 1896 map of the region during the late Ottoman period. The map shows the sanjaks of Hauran and Ma'an (Kerak), which formed most of what became Transjordan, and the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem and Balqa (Nablus) and Acre Sanjaks (which formed most of what became Mandatory Palestine).
See caption
The Occupied Enemy Territory Administration area, according to the British government's History of the Great War.[222] The map shows the British-administered OETA South (consisting of the Ottoman Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem and the Nablus and Acre Sanjaks) and the Arab-administered OETA East, consisting of the Damascus Vilayet and the southern Aleppo Vilayet.

Transjordan had been part of the Syria Vilayet – primarily the sanjaks of Hauran and Ma'an (Kerak) – under the Ottomans. Since the end of the war it was part of captured territory placed under the Arab administration of OETA East,[223][202] which was subsequently declared part of Faisal's Arab Kingdom of Syria. The British were content with that arrangement because Faisal was a British ally; the region fell within the indirect sphere of British influence according to the Sykes–Picot Agreement, and they did not have enough troops to garrison it.[66][bc]

See caption
팔레스타인과 트란스요르단 사이의 국경은 1921년 초까지도 정해지지 않았었다. 1921년 상반기 영국 내각이 만든 이 지도에는 결정되지 않은 위임통치령 간의 경계가 표시되어 있다.

Throughout the drafting of the mandate, the Zionist Organization advocated for territory east of the river to be included in Palestine. At the peace conference on 3 February 1919, the organization proposed an eastern boundary of "a line close to and West of the Hedjaz Railway terminating in the Gulf of Akaba";[101] the railway ran parallel to, and 35–40 miles (about 60 km) east of, the Jordan River.[225] In May, British officials presented a proposal to the peace conference which included maps showing Palestine's eastern boundary just 10 킬로미터 (6.2 mi) east of the Jordan.[bd] No agreement was reached in Paris; the topic was not discussed at the April 1920 San Remo conference, at which the boundaries of the "Palestine" and "Syria" mandates were left unspecified to "be determined by the Principal Allied Powers" at a later stage.[34][48]

The Jordan River was finally chosen as the border between the two territories;[be] this was documented in Article 25 of the mandate, approved by Curzon on 31 March 1921,[87] which set the boundary as simply "the Jordan [river]". No further definition was discussed until mid-1922,[187] when the boundary became significant due to negotiations on the Rutenberg hydroelectric power-plant and the Constitution of Mandatory Palestine (which did not apply to Transjordan, highlighting the need for a clear definition).[227] The latter's publication on 1 September was the first official statement of the detailed boundary,[228] which was repeated in a 16 September 1922 Transjordan memorandum: "from a point two miles west of the town of Akaba on the Gulf of that name up the centre of the Wady Araba, Dead Sea and River Jordan to its junction with the River Yarmuk; thence up the centre of that river to the Syrian Frontier".[229]

트란스요르단-아라비아 국경[편집]

아카바항을 통해 트란스요르단이 내륙국이 되는 것을 막기 위해, 트란스요르단과 아라비아 간의 국경을 정하는 문제는 중요한 전략적 요소로 다루어졌다. 인구가 약 1만 명밖에 되지 않는, 남쪽의 넓은 마안-아카바 지역은[230] 동부 OETA, 시리아 아랍 왕국, 트란스요르단 토후국이 통치했으며 헤자즈 왕국이 영유권을 주장했다.[231][232] 동부 OETA에서는 파이살 1세가 마안 지역의 준총독을 임명하였으며, '다마스쿠스의 파이살과 메카의 후세인을 모두 무시한' 아카바 준총독은 후세인으로부터 통치 범위를 마안까지 확장하라는 지시를 받았다.[231] 헤자즈 왕국은 파이살 정부가 프랑스에 패배한 후 마안 지역의 실질적 통치권을 차지할 계획이었기 때문에, 공개적인 분쟁으로 번지지는 않았다.[bf] 1925년 사우디의 헤자즈 정복 이후 후세인의 군대는 마안 지역으로 이동했으며, 이븐 사우드는 제다 조약 체결 당시 비밀 편지를 통해 압둘라의 트란스요르단의 마안 지역 통치를 인정하였다.[233]

트란스요르단-이라크 국경[편집]

트란스요르단의 동쪽 국경은 키르쿠크-하이파 석유 파이프라인의 건설 계획과 맞물려 상당히 전략적인 문제로 간주되었다.[233] 처음 국경이 정해진 것은 1922년 12월 2일 이라크와 네지드 간의 우콰이르 의정서로,[234] 이라크와 네지드 간 국경의 서쪽 끝을 "북위 32도선과 동경 39도선이 만나는 지점까지"로 정하여, 트란스요르단과 이라크 간의 국경을 암시하였다.[234] 1922년 1월 토머스 에드워드 로런스는 영국의 인도 접근성을 확보하고 이븐 사우드를 막기 위해, 두마트 알잔달까지, 와디 시르한 전체를 포함하게끔 트란스요르단을 확장해야 한다고 주장하였다..[235]

위임통치령의 종료[편집]

팔레스타인 위임통치령[편집]

영국은 팔레스타인을 통치한 약 30년 간, 유대인과 팔레스타인 아랍인 공동체 간 시위, 폭동, 반란 등을 지속적으로 감시하였다.[236] 1947년 11월 29일에는 유대인과 아랍인 국가 둘을 만들어 두 국가를 경제 동맹으로 묶고, 예루살렘을 유엔 신탁통치로 넘기자는, 유엔의 팔레스타인 분할안이 통과되었으며,[237] 2주 후 영국 식민장관 아서 크리치 존스는 영국 위임통치령이 1948년 5월 15일 종료될 것이라고 발표하였다.[238][bg] 위임통치령 마지막 날에는 이스라엘 독립 선언서가 발표되었으며, 제1차 중동 전쟁이 발발하였다.[238]

트란스요르단 토후국[편집]

위임통치령이 발효되기 5달 전인 1923년 4월, 영국은 트란스요르단에 '독립 정부'를 인정하겠다는 의사를 발표하였다.[240][188] 트란스요르단은 1928년 2월 20일 합의를 통해 영국의 감독 하에서 높은 자치권을 보장받았고, 1946년 3월 22일 조약을 통해 완전한 독립을 얻었다.[240]

위임통치령이 발효되기까지의 주요 연표[편집]

행정부
연도 일자 문서 팔레스타인 트란스요르단
전쟁 전 오스만 산자크: 예루살렘, 나블루스, 아크레[241] 오스만 산자크: 하우란, 마안[242]
1915 10월 24일 후세인-맥마흔 서한[243]
1916 1월 3일 사이크스–피코 협정[243]
1917 11월 2일 밸푸어 선언[243]
1918 10월 23일 영국 통치 하의 남부 OETA 선포[201] 아랍-영국 통치 하의 동부 OETA 선포[201]
12월 1일 프랑스의 팔레스타인 영토 포기[244]
1919 6월 28일 위임통치령을 포함한 국제연맹 규약 제정
1920 1월 10일 국제연맹 규약 시행
3월 8일 시리아 아랍 왕국 선포[245]
4월 25일 산레모 회담에서의 위임통치령 할당[34]
7월 1일 고등판무관 임명에 따른 민간 통치 개시[246]
7월 23일 마이살룬 전투 이후 무인지대가 됨[59]
8월 10일 세브르 조약 체결[247]
11–26 August 커즌의 정책: "그 지역에 어떠한 영국 행정부를 설치하는 데 의심의 여지가 없어야 한다"[56]
21 November 압둘라 1세의 군대가 트란스요르단 남부로 진입[79][81]
12월 7일 First draft submitted to the League of Nations[248]
12월 23일 Agreement on northern boundary[249]
1921 12–30 March Cairo conference. Article 25 (Transjordan) drafted[245] 트란스요르단 지역을 별도의 아랍 독립체로서 팔레스타인 위임통치령에 추가하자는 의견 제시[245]
4월 11일 트란스요르단 토후국 성립[80]
1922 24 July Mandate terms approved[26]
10 August Palestine constitution signed[250]
16 September 트란스요르단 각서 승인[245]
23 October 1922년 팔레스타인 인구 조사[251]
1923 25 April 독립 선언[189]
29 September 위임통치령의 발효[252]

각주[편집]

주요 인용문[편집]

  1. William M. Mathew, senior fellow in history at the University of East Anglia, observed that "The issue remains a contentious one in the historical literature (notably in the contrasting analyses of Elie Kedourie, on the exculpatory side, and George Antonius and A. L. Tibawi, on the accusatory), although the evidence for British bad faith seems clear enough."[21]
  2. According to Matz, "Primarily, two elements formed the core of the Mandate System, the principle of non-annexation of the territory on the one hand and its administration as a "sacred trust of civilisation" on the other ... The principle of administration as a "sacred trust of civilisation" was designed to prevent a practice of imperial exploitation of the mandated territory in contrast to former colonial habits. Instead, the Mandatory's administration should assist in developing the territory for the well-being of its native people."[28]
  3. Ali Allawi explained this as follows: "When Faisal left the meeting with Weizmann to explain his actions to his advisers who were in a nearby suite of offices at the Carlton Hotel, he was met with expressions of shock and disbelief. How could he sign a document that was written by a foreigner in favour of another foreigner in English in a language of which he knew nothing? Faisal replied to his advisers as recorded in ‘Awni ‘Abd al-Hadi's memoirs, "You are right to be surprised that I signed such an agreement written in English. But I warrant you that your surprise will disappear when I tell you that I did not sign the agreement before I stipulated in writing that my agreement to sign it was conditional on the acceptance by the British government of a previous note that I had presented to the Foreign Office… [This note] contained the demand for the independence of the Arab lands in Asia, starting from a line that begins in the north at Alexandretta-Diyarbakir and reaching the Indian Ocean in the south. And Palestine, as you know, is within these boundaries… I confirmed in this agreement before signing that I am not responsible for the implementation of anything in the agreement if any modification to my note is allowed""[42]
  4. Professor Ilan Pappé of the University of Exeter suggests that the French concessions were made to guarantee British support for French aims at the post-war peace conference concerning Germany and Europe.[44]
  5. -The Times reported Weizmann's statement on 8 May 1920 as follows: "There are still important details outstanding, such as the actual terms of the mandate and the question of the boundaries in Palestine. There is the delimitation of the boundary between French Syria and Palestine, which will constitute the northern frontier and the eastern line of demarcation, adjoining Arab Syria. The latter is not likely to be fixed until the Emir Faisal attends the Peace Conference, probably in Paris."[46]
  6. In a telegram sent to the British Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Hardinge on 26 April 1920, before leaving San Remo, Curzon wrote: "[t]he boundaries of these States will not be included in the Peace Treaty [with Turkey] but are also to be determined by the principal Allied Powers. As regards Palestine an Article is also to be inserted in [the] Peace Treaty entrusting administration to a mandatory, whose duties are defined by a verbatim repetition of Mr.Balfour’s declaration of November 1917. Here again the boundaries will not be defined in [the] Peace Treaty but are to be determined at a later date by principal Allied Powers. The mandatory is not mentioned in [the] Treaty, but by an independent decision of Supreme Council was declared to be Great Britain."[47][48]
  7. Quigley explained: "The provision on Palestine thus read differently from the provision on Syria and Mesopotamia and omitted reference to any provisional recognition of Palestine as an independent state. The provision on Palestine read differently for the apparent reason that the mandatory would administer, hence the thrust of the provision was to make that point clear. In any event, the understanding of the resolution was that all the Class A mandates were states."[48]
  8. Professor Gideon Biger of Tel Aviv University wrote: "The British representatives involved in the Middle Eastern issue – Mark Sykes and Ormsby-Gore – both supported a line East of the Jordan river, but not all the way up the mountains. The retreat of the British forces from Trans-Jordan in the spring of 1918 was only a military move, although it indicated British political ideas about the future of the region East of the rift. According to their position, the land that lay east of the Jordan river was destined to be part of the Arab Syrian state, which would be centred in Damascus and headed by Faisal."[51]
  9. Noting the British minutes from San Remo, Lieshout writes "As to Palestine’s boundaries, during the conference France and Britain had decided with respect to its eastern frontier to adhere to the line fixed in the Sykes–Picot agreement, where the River Jordan had been the boundary between zone ‘B’ and the area under international administration" (British Secretary’s Notes of a Meeting, 25 April 1920, DBFP, Vol. VIII, pp. 172–3)[53]
  10. Paris writes: "Of course, the uncertainty surrounding Transjordan's status pre-dated Abdullah's appearance on the scene. While it had long been clear that British control of the area south of the Sykes–Picot line and extending from Palestine to Persia would be divided into two political regions, the Palestine and Mesopotamian Mandates were assumed to be coterminous: no provision was made for any intervening territory. Whether it was part of Palestine or Mesopotamia, however, there was never any doubt that Transjordan would come under the British Mandate. But recognition of that fact did not resolve the status of Transjordan vis-à-vis its neighbours in any definitive way. Moreover, two principles that emerged in 1920 and were calculated to further define the nature of the new state, served only to further confuse matters and to generate the uncertainty of which Abdullah, Samuel and Philby later complained. The first was that the administrative authority of the Palestine government would not be extended east of the Jordan, a principle laid down as early as July 1920. The second sprang from Young's interpretation of the 'McMahon pledge'. Since McMahon had excluded from the area of promised Arab independence territory lying west of the 'district of Damascus', he argued that in areas to the east of that district—that is, east of the River Jordan—Britain was obligated to 'recognise and support' such independence. The interpretation seemed logical enough to those who had not examined carefully the text of McMahon's letters…"[55]
  11. A year after stepping down as Attorney general of Palestine, Norman Bentwich described the historical situation as follows: "The High Commissioner had ... only been in office a few days when Emir Faisal ... had to flee his kingdom" and "The departure of Faisal and the breaking up of the Emirate of Syria left the territory on the east side of Jordan in a puzzling state of detachment. It was for a time no-man's-land. In the Ottoman regime the territory was attached to the Vilayet of Damascus; under the Military Administration it had been treated a part of the eastern occupied territory which was governed from Damascus; but it was now impossible that that subordination should continue, and its natural attachment was with Palestine. The territory was, indeed, included in the Mandated territory of Palestine, but difficult issues were involved as to application there of the clauses of the Mandate concerning the jewish National Home. The undertakings given to the Arabs as to the autonomous Arab region included the territory. Lastly, His Majesty's Government were unwilling to embark on any definite commitment, and vetoed any entry into the territory by the troops. The Arabs were therefore left to work out their destiny."[59]
  12. Wilson writes: "Since the end of the war the territory north of Ma'an had been ruled by Damascus as a province of Faysal's Kingdom of Syria. Although it fell within the British zone according to the Sykes–Picot agreement, Britain was content with the arrangement because it favoured Arab rule in the interior and Faysal was, after all, British protege. However, when France occupied Damascus the picture changed dramatically. Britain did not want to see France extend its control southward to the borders of Palestine and closer to the Suez Canal ... It suddenly became important to know 'what is the "Syria" for which the French received a mandate at San Remo?' and 'does it include Transjordania?' ... The British foreign secretary, Lord Curzon, decided that it did not and that Britain henceforth would regard the area as independent, but in 'closest relation' with Palestine."[66]
  13. Sicker wrote: "On August 7, 1920, Herbert Samuel, the recently appointed high commissioner in Palestine, cabled London requesting permission to include Trans-Jordan directly under his administrative control, thereby allowing him to take the necessary steps to restore order in the territory. This would eliminate the threat of a French attempt to control the region from Damascus."[71]
  14. The day before the meeting, on 20 August, Samuel noted in his diary: "It is an entirely irregular proceeding, my going outside my own jurisdiction into a country which was Faisal's, and is still being administered by the Damascus Government, now under French influence. But it is equally irregular for a government under French influence to be exercising functions in territory which is agreed to be within the British sphere: and of the two irregularities I prefer mine."[72]
  15. Wilson writes: "Sentence by sentence his speech describing British policy was translated into Arabic: political officers would be stationed in towns to help organise local governments; Transjordan would not come under Palestinian administration; there would be no conscription and no disarmament ... On balance, Samuel's statement of policy was unobjectionable. Three things feared by the Arabs of Transjordan – conscription, disarmament, and annexation by Palestine – were abjured ... The presence of a few British agents, unsupported by troops, seemed a small concession in return for the protection Britain's presence would afford against the French, who, it was feared, might press their occupation southward ... Samuel returned to Jerusalem well pleased with the success of his mission. He left behind several officers to see to the administration of Transjordan and the maintenance of British influence."[72]
  16. Curzon's 26 August 1920 telegram stated that: "His Majesty's Government have no desire to extend their responsibilities in Arab districts and must insist on strict adherence to the very limited assistance which we can offer to a native administration in Trans-jordania as stated in my telegram No. 80 of August 11th. There must be no question of setting up any British administration in that area and all that may be done at present is to send a maximum of four or five political officers with instructions on the lines laid down in my above mentioned telegram."[57][58][74]
  17. Curzon wrote, "His Majesty's Government are already treating 'Trans-Jordania' as separate from the Damascus State, while at the same time avoiding any definite connection between it and Palestine, thus leaving the way open for the establishment there, should it become advisable, of some form of independent Arab government, perhaps by arrangement with King Hussein or other Arab chiefs concerned."[75][76][77]
  18. Sicker wrote: ″By the end of March 1921 Abdullah and his small army had effectively occupied most of Trans-Jordan unopposed ... There seemed to be only two options. Either the British army had to be sent in to evict him or the French had to be allowed to cross the frontier to accomplish the task. Both courses of action were considered to be completely unacceptable. The government was simply not prepared to go to the expense of sending an army to fight in a territory of such marginal importance as Trans-Jordan, and it was equally inconceivable that British policy would permit French intervention and occupation of the area. There was, however, another alternative, which was suggested by Churchill. He observed that it was most important that the government of Trans-Jordan be compatible with that of Iraq because British strategy called for a direct overland link between Egypt and the Persian Gulf, which would have to cross both territories. Since in the meantime Feisal had been given the throne of Iraq, it might well serve British purposes to make his brother, Abdullah, ruler of Trans-Jordan or to appoint an indigenous leader approved by him.″[81]
  19. Klieman writes: "Accordingly, Churchill cabled the Colonial Office on 21 March, asking whether the Cairo proposals would necessitate any special provisions being made in the two mandates ... Upon receipt of this cable informal consultation took place between the Colonial Office legal adviser and the assistant legal adviser to the Foreign Office. Their suggestion, on the 25th by Shuckburgh, was that ... a clause be inserted in each of the mandates ... [Footnote:] The first draft of Article 25 was originally worded "to postpone the application of such provisions," but was altered at Shuckburgh's initiative since "'postpone' means, or may be taken to mean, that we are going to apply them eventually""[82]
  20. Wasserstein writes: "Palestine, therefore, was not partitioned in 1921–1922. Transjordan was not excised but, on the contrary, added to the mandatory area. Zionism was barred from seeking to expand there – but the Balfour Declaration had never previously applied to the area east of the Jordan. Why is this important? Because the myth of Palestine's 'first partition' has become part of the concept of 'Greater Israel' and of the ideology of Jabotinsky's Revisionist movement."[85]
  21. The occasion of the Cairo Conference offered an opportunity to clarify the matter. As Lloyd George and Churchill both agreed, the solution consisted of treating Transjordan as "an Arab province or adjunct of Palestine" while at the same time "preserving [the] Arab character of the area and administration."... Despite the objection from Eric Forbes Adam in the Middle East Department that it was better not to raise the question of different treatment publicly by suggesting new amendments or additions to the mandates, the legal officers of the Colonial and Foreign offices, meeting on 21 March 1921, deemed it advisable, as a matter of prudence, to insert in advance general clauses giving the mandatory "certain discretionary powers" in applying the Palestine and Mesopotamia mandates to Transjordan and Kurdistan respectively"[87]
  22. McTague writes, "Since the British army under General Edmund Allenby had conquered the Holy Land, and since the British announcement of the Balfour Declaration had demonstrated her keen interest in the future of the country, it was a foregone conclusion that the Allies would have to acquiesce in her control of Palestine."[88]
  23. In July, Balfour had authorised Eric Forbes Adam of the Foreign Office, who at that time served with the Peace Delegation in Paris, to discuss with Weizmann, Frankfurter and Ganz the draft for the Palestine Mandate "on the supposition that Great Britain were to obtain the mandate for Palestine".[89]
  24. McTague writes, "After negotiations between Forbes-Adam and Cohen, a version had emerged which embodied the major Zionist objectives, but under the prodding of Curzon, a much less specific document had evolved by the time the next draft had been produced in June. By then, the Zionists had become dissatisfied, and they had succeeded in having the key phrase on "historical connection" restored to the document in early August. The interdepartmental Committee had cut the phrase in half at the end of the month, and Curzon had decided to eliminate it altogether in September. Pressure from Lloyd George and Balfour, however, had induced him to compromise, and the final draft had included a Preamble with which Weizmann was quite satisfied. Aside from the Preamble, Curzon had had his own way almost entirely."[90]
  25. McTague writes, "The Zionist Organization had produced a draft of a proposed constitution as far back as December 1918 in anticipation of their appearance before the Versailles Conference ... The Zionists presented this document to the Peace Conference, but since the Allies failed to come to any decisions on the captured Ottoman territories, these proposals were not discussed at the time. Nevertheless, in April the Foreign Office reviewed the Zionist Organization's draft, and they made some small but significant changes... Then in July, Foreign Secretary Balfour authorised Eric Forbes-Adam to begin direct negotiations with members of the Zionist Organization, including Weizmann and Felix Frankfurter, over the wording of the text. The Foreign Office unveiled a much longer document (twenty-nine articles compared to five in the earlier draft), but one which adhered quite closely to the general principles laid down in April."[94]
  26. Weizmann wrote in his memoirs, "Curzon had by now taken over from Balfour at the Foreign Office, and was in charge of the actual drafting of the Mandate. On our side we had the valuable assistance of Ben V. Cohen, who stayed on with us in London after most of his fellow-Brandeisists had resigned from the Executive and withdrawn from the work. Ben Cohen was one of the ablest draftsmen in America, and he and Curzon's secretary — young Eric Forbes-Adam, highly intelligent, efficient and most sympathetic — fought the battle of the Mandate for many months."[96]
  27. Klieman writes, "In an urgent letter to the Foreign Office on 24 March, the Colonial Office explained that Article 25 had been framed in such a way as to enable Britain 'to set up an Arab administration and to withhold indefinitely the application of those clauses of the mandate which relate to the establishment of the National Home for the Jews'".[82]
  28. The British Foreign Office confirmed the position in 1946, in discussions over the independence of Transjordan, stating that "the clauses of the Palestine Mandate relating to the establishment of a Jewish national home were, with the approval of the League of Nations, never applied in Transjordan. His Majesty's Government have therefore never considered themselves under any obligation to apply them there"[105]
  29. Wilson writes, "Abdullah began by suggesting the unification of Palestine and Transjordan under an Arab ruler, or the unification of Transjordan and Iraq. Both ideas were firmly squashed. In the end he agreed to take responsibility for Transjordan alone for a period of six months ... It was further agreed that no British troops would be stationed there ... With this agreement, the division of the Fertile Crescent into separate states dominated by either Britain or France was completed. Despite the short term nature of the arrangement, Transjordan proved to be a lasting creation. For Abdullah himself his six months lasted a life time."[109]
  30. Wm. Roger Louis wrote, "In return for providing a rudimentary administration and obviating the need for British military occupation, Abdullah in March 1921 gained assurance from Churchhill, then Colonial Secretary, that no Jews would be allowed to settle in Transjordan. That guarantee effectively created Transjordan as an Arab country apart from Palestine, where the British commitment to a 'national home' remained a delicate problem between Abdullah and the British".[110]
  31. Paris writes, "Churchill's decision to prolong British sponsorship of Abdullah did little to elevate the low opinion that Whitehall entertained for the Amir ... It was the attitude in Jerusalem—Amman's only conduit to London—that critically affected Abdullah's regime, and this attitude underwent a dramatic change in 1922. Samuel and Deedes, the harshest critics of the Amir in 1921, became his strongest supporters by mid-1922. 'If we lose the cordial co- operation of Abdullah,' Samuel wrote in August, 'we lose our most valuable asset in Trans-Jordan' ... Although the Amir had won the support of Samuel and conditions in Transjordan had improved considerably in 1922, neither the status of the territory, nor that of Abdullah within it, had yet been defined. When Churchill decided to continue British support for the Amir in late 1921, he also stated his preference to simply 'allow matters ... to pursue their present course' in Transjordan. But Samuel and Philby found such a laissez-faire policy difficult to accept. And by July, Abdullah too 'was getting very sick of the present situation of uncertainty' and told Philby 'he could not go on much longer' ... These problems were highlighted by the amorphous nature of the territory: as of July 1922, only Transjordan's northern boundary had been defined".[112]
  32. McTague writes, "Yet another interesting aspect is the complete absence of any input from Arab sources, despite the fact that the Jerusalem Riot of April 1920 had testified to Palestinian resistance to the National Home policy. No effort was made by the government to bring any Arabs into the negotiations. Largely motivated by traditional imperialistic beliefs, His Majesty's government reasoned that having conquered Palestine by force of arms, they could do with it as they wished. The only Arab leader in whom they had any confidence at all, Emir Feisal, had already agreed to the principle of Jewish National Home under certain conditions, and during the course of the year 1920 his problems in Syria precluded his involvement in the mandate discussions. His Majesty's government also refused to recognise any Palestinians as spokesmen for their own community, although a year later they were forced to grant unofficial status to the delegation from the Palestine Arab Congress. Thus, the mandate was drafted and redrafted several times over, without the Palestinian Arabs having had any input as to its contents."[113]
  33. Weizmann wrote in his memoirs, "As the drafting of the Mandate progressed, and the prospect of its ratification drew nearer, we found ourselves on the defensive against attacks from every conceivable quarter — on our position in Palestine, on our work there, on our good faith. The spearhead of these attacks was an Arab delegation from Palestine, which arrived in London via Cairo, Rome and Paris in the summer of 1921, and established itself in London at the Hotel Cecil."[116]
  34. Turkey’s lead negotiator, İsmet İnönü, explained during the negotiations on 23 January 1923 that he "did not ... feel bound to recognise the existence or the legality of any mandate over these territories"[122] and had "never accepted the principle or recognised the fact of any mandate".[123]
  35. Diplomat and Sykes's biographer, Shane Leslie, wrote in 1923 about Sykes: "His last journey to Palestine had raised many doubts, which were not set at rest by a visit to Rome. To Cardinal Gasquet he admitted the change of his views on Zionism, and that he was determined to qualify, guide and, if possible, save the dangerous situation which was rapidly arising. If death had not been upon him it would not have been too late."[135]
  36. Viscount Northcliffe, who owned The Times, the Daily Mail, and other publishing totalling around two fifths of the total British newspaper circulation, published a statement from Cairo on 15 February 1922 (p. 10) suggesting Palestine risked becoming a second Ireland. Further articles were published in The Times on 11 April (p. 5), 26 April (p. 15), 23 June (p. 17), 3 July (p. 15) and 25 July (p. 15)[136]
  37. Churchill concluded the Commons debate with the following argument: "Palestine is all the more important to us ... in view of the ever-growing significance of the Suez Canal; and I do not think £1,000,000 a year ... would be too much for Great Britain to pay for the control and guardianship of this great historic land, and for keeping the word that she has given before all the nations of the world."[140]
  38. Mathew described Churchill's manoeuvre: "... the judgment was overturned by a large majority in the Commons, a result not of a sudden opinion shift but of Churchill's skillful opportunism in turning at the last minute a general debate on funding for the colonies worldwide into a vote of confidence on the government's Palestine policy, emphasizing in his concluding remarks not a Zionist argument but imperial and strategic considerations".[141]
  39. Nineteenth Session of the Council, Twelfth Meeting, St James' Palace, London on 22 July 1922, at 3:30p.m: "The Council decided that the mandate for Palestine was approved with the revised text of Article 14, and that the mandate for Syria would come automatically into force as soon as the negotiations between the French and Italian Governments had resulted in a final agreement. It was further understood that the two mandates should, come into force simultaneously."[159]
  40. Nineteenth Session of the Council, Thirteenth Meeting, St James' Palace, London on 24 July 1922, at 3 p.m.: "In view of the declarations which have just been made, and of the agreement reached by all the Members of the Council, the articles of the mandates for Palestine and Syria are approved. The mandates will enter into force automatically and at the same time, as soon as the Governments of France and Italy have notified the President of the Council of the League of Nations that they have reached an agreement on certain particular points in regard to the latter of these mandates."[160]
  41. Cassels explained, "Mussolini himself was reduced to a policy of pinpricks. In the new year 1923, Fascist Italy sought to embarrass the Anglo-French mandate-holders at the League of Nations by championing the rights of native petitioners in the mandated territories. Furthermore, by aligning with the United States, Italy was instrumental in delaying the full implementation of the Near Eastern mandates. However, in April, when Washington modified its opposition, Mussolini recognised that conditions were "unfavorable to the possibility of continuing resistance alone. As a final gesture he required a guarantee of the rights of Italian citizens in the mandated areas. This took the summer of 1923 to negotiate, but on 30 September Italy agreed to support at Geneva a resolution ratifying the authority of Britain and France in their Near Eastern mandates. Although he had totally given in, Mussolini was the last to admit it. With his acceptance of the Anglo-French mandates went the stipulation that it was 'not prejudicial to the re-examination of the general question concerning Allied reciprocity in the eastern Mediterranean'".[162]
  42. 퀸시 라이트는 다음과 같이 설명하였다. "7월 22일, 이탈리아 대표는 프랑스의 일부 보증에 대해 유보한 채로, 팔레스타인 및 시리아 위임통치령을 인정하겠다는 의지를 표했다. 성지와 관련한 팔레스타인 위임통치령 조항을 두고 어려운 일이 있었지만, 이 문제를 관장하는 기구에 대한 모든 언급을 생략하는 간단한 편법을 통해 합의가 맺어졌다. 시리아 및 팔레스타인 위임통치령 인정에 대한 공식 발표는 7월 24일 비비아니가 진행하였는데, '조만간 의회가 이 절차에 대한 설명을 해야 해서' 비밀에 빠진 양이 위험하지 않았다고 말했다. 밸푸어는 팔레스타인 내 아랍인과 유대인 사이의 화해 호소로 이어갔다. 따라서 밸푸어 경은, 교묘한 공개 위협, 총회에서 딱히 관심이 없는 회원국의 지지, 연맹의 위신에 대한 호소를 통해, 이탈리아를 방해되는 위치에서 물러나게 만들었다. 연맹 외교는 성공적이었다."[166]
  43. At a private meeting of the Council of the LoN on 29 September 1923, the minutes read: "M. SALANDRA stated, on behalf of his Government, that a complete agreement had been reached between the Governments of France and Italy on the subject of the mandate for Syria. There was therefore nothing to prevent the immediate entry into force of the mandate for Palestine. M. HANOTAUX, on behalf of his Government, confirmed M. Salandra's statement and pointed out that in view of this agreement the Council's resolution of July 24th, 1922, would come into operation and the mandates for Palestine and Syria would enter into force automatically and at the same time. Sir Rennell RODD expressed his satisfaction that, this question had been finally settled. The COUNCIL noted that, in view of the agreement between the Governments of France and Italy in respect of the mandate for Syria, the mandates for Palestine and Syria would now enter into force automatically and at the same time."[167]
  44. 퀸시 라이트 explained, "The terms of the Palestine mandate were objected to by the papacy on May 23, 1922, as giving too great privileges to the Jews who had been promised a "national home" in that region, by the Balfour declaration of 2 November 1917, by various Moslem organizations for the same reason, by several Jewish organizations as limiting the privileges of the Jews too much, and by the British House of Lords as contrary to the wishes of the majority of the inhabitants of Palestine. The British announced agreement with the United States on the terms of this mandate in May 1922. The United States approved the French draft of the Syrian mandate in July 1922, but Italy objected to its confirmation, as also that of Palestine, until title was cleared through ratification of a peace treaty with Turkey. Apparently she also objected because the failure of the treaty of Sèvres had deprived her of the spheres of interest which she had been accorded in compensation for her approval of the French and British spheres by the agreement of 10 August 1920, dependent on that treaty. Italy apparently wished a renewal of the assurances with regard to economic, educational and missionary privileges in Syria and Palestine which she had renounced in the sphere of interest agreement. Great Britain had already given assurances to Italy with regard to Palestine, and during the council meeting in July 1922, Italy and France began negotiations with the result that the Syrian and Palestine mandates were confirmed with assurances that Catholic and Moslem interests in Palestine would be protected, on 24 July, to go into effect when the Franco-Italian agreement was announced. This announcement was made on 29 September 1923, the peace treaty with Turkey having been signed at Lausanne on 24 July 1923."[169]
  45. As Marlowe described, "It was formally approved by the League of Nations on 24 July 1922, but did not come legally into force until after the ratification of the Treaty of Lausanne on 28 September 1923."[171]
  46. Paris writes, "Owing to US and Vatican opposition, the Palestine Mandate was not approved by the League of Nations until 22 July 1922. Shortly thereafter, the Colonial Office prepared a memorandum describing those provisions of the Palestine Mandate that would not be applied to Transjordan, as allowed by Article 25. The memorandum was then presented to the Council of the League, which passed a resolution on 16 September 1922 exempting Transjordan from the Zionist clauses of the Mandate.… Still, frustratingly for Abdullah, no formal steps had been taken to confirm a Sherifian solution for Transjordan and his role there remained undefined."[172]
  47. Weizmann wrote in his memoirs, "The most serious difficulty arose in connection with a paragraph in the Preamble — the phrase which now reads: 'Recognizing the historical connection of the Jews with Palestine.' Zionists wanted to have it read: 'Recognizing the historic rights of the Jews to Palestine.' But Curzon would have none of it, remarking dryly: 'If you word it like that, I can see Weizmann coming to me every other day and saying he has a right to do this, that or the other in Palestine! I won't have it!' As a compromise, Balfour suggested 'historical connection,' and 'historical connection' it was. I confess that for me this was the most important part of the Mandate. I felt instinctively that the other provisions of the Mandate might remain a dead letter, e.g, ' to place the country under such political, economic and administrative conditions as may facilitate the development of the Jewish National Home.' All one can say about that point, after more than twenty-five years, is that at least Palestine has not so far been placed under a legislative council with an Arab majority — but that is rather a negative brand of fulfilment of a positive injunction."[116][94]
  48. Adam Garfinkle explained, "After the Cairo Conference of March 1921, whereupon the Emirate of Transjordan was created, Article 25 pertaining to Transjordan was added to the draft Mandate – in August 1921. Article 25 notes that Transjordanian territory is not included in the Jewish National Home. This language confuses some readers into imagining that Transjordanian territory was covered by the conditions of the Mandate as to the Jewish National Home before August 1921. Not so; what became Transjordanian territory was not part of the mandate at all. As noted, it was part of the Arabian Chapter problem; it was, in other words, in a state of postwar legal and administrative limbo. And this is also not to speak of the fact that, as of August 1921, the mandates had yet to be approved or take effect."[186]
  49. Biger wrote, "The results of the Cairo conference were a failure for the Zionist Organization, but Britain had won itself a devoted ally east of the Jordan ... Certain Zionist politicians, and especially the circles that surrounded Ze'ev Jabutinski, regarded the British decisions and the quiet Zionist approval as treason. The call 'Two banks for the Jordan river – this one is ours and so is the other' was heard from then onward. Even the other side of the Jewish political map did not lose its faith in achieving a better political solution, and in a famous song – which was composed many years later – one can find the words 'from Metulla to the Negev, from the sea to the desert'. The allusion is clearly to the desert that lies east of the Trans-Jordanian heights and not to the Judean desert."[187]
  50. Abu-Lughod, writing in 1988: "... the statement presented by Mr Herbert Samuel, the first British High Commissioner, to the League of Nations on the administration of Palestine and Transjordan between 1920–25 ... is sufficiently clear on the distinctness of Transjordan and its emergence and leaves no doubt that Palestine did not include Transjordan in prior periods ... The Zionist and later on the Israeli discourse stresses the 'fact' that Israel emerged on only a very small part of Palestine – less than a third – by which they mean the entirety of Palestine and Transjordan; hence the term 'the partitioned State' ... While Israel officially is more circumspect in its pronouncements, its official spokesmen often refer to Jordan as a Palestinian State and claim that Palestinians already therefore have a state of their own. A series of advertisements that appeared in major American newspapers in the course of 1983 claimed openly that Jordan is Palestine. The series was presumably paid for by 'private' sponsors who support Israel but have been reported to be acting on behalf of certain sectors of Israel's leadership. Though rightly discredited as spurious scholarship, Joan Peters's From Time Immemorial (1984) gave much publicity to the Zionist definition of Palestine as including Transjordan (and, throughout, her work utilizes seriously flawed data that specifically refer to 'Western Palestine'). Perhaps Israel's preference for a solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in terms of what has become known as the 'Jordanian' option reflects the same understanding."[188]
  51. The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine’s report, in Chapter II: The Elements of the Conflict, article 160, stated as follows: "The Arabs have persistently adhered to the position that the Mandate for Palestine, which incorporated the Balfour Declaration, is illegal. The Arab States have refused to recognize it as having any validity.
    (a) They allege that the terms of the Palestine Mandate are inconsistent with the letter and spirit of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations for the following reasons:
    (1) Although paragraph 4 of Article 22 stipulated that certain communities had reached a stage of development where their existence as "independent nations" could be provisionally recognised, subject only to a limited period of tutelage under a mandatory Power in the form of administrative advice and assistance until such time as these communities would be able to stand alone, the Palestine Mandate violated this stipulation by deliberately omitting immediate provisional recognition of the independence of the territory and by granting to the mandatory Power in article 1 of the Mandate "full powers of legislation and administration".
    (2) The wishes of the Palestine community had not been "a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory", as provided for in Article 22, paragraph 4 of the Covenant.
    (b) The principle and right of national self-determination were violated.
    (c) The Arab States were not Members of the League of Nations when the Palestine Mandate was approved, and are not, therefore, bound by it."[196]
  52. Lloyd-George's "Aide-Memoire in Regard to the Occupation of Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia Pending the Decision in Regard to Mandates" included the following: "1. Steps will be taken immediately to prepare for the evacuation by the British Army of Syria and Cilicia including the Taurus tunnel. 2. Notice is given both to the French Government and to the Emir Feisal of our intentions to commence the evacuation of Syria and Cilicia on November 1, 1919 ... 6. The territories occupied by British troops will then be Palestine, defined in accordance with its ancient boundaries of Dan to Beersheba."[205]
  53. Biger noted, "The Arabs of Palestine, and the Arabs of the neighbouring countries, were not involved with the delimitation process of Palestine."[208]
  54. Biger described this meeting: "Sovereignty over the Arava, from the south of the Dead Sea to Aqaba, was also discussed. Philby agreed, in Trans-Jordan's name, to give up the western bank of Wadi Arava (and thus all of the Negev area). Nevertheless, a precise borderline was still not determined along the territories of Palestine and Trans-Jordan. Philby's relinquishment of the Negev was necessary, because the future of this area was uncertain. In a discussion regarding the southern boundary, the Egyptian aspiration to acquire the Negev area was presented. On the other hand the southern part of Palestine belonged, according to one of the versions, to the sanjak (district) of Ma'an within the vilayet (province) of Hejaz. King Hussein of Hejaz demanded to receive this area after claiming that a transfer action, to add it to the vilayet of Syria (A-Sham) was supposed to be done in 1908. It is not clear whether this action was completed. Philby claimed that Emir Abdullah had his father's permission to negotiate over the future of the sanjak of Ma'an, which was actually ruled by him, and that he could therefore 'afford to concede' the area west of the Arava in favour of Palestine. This concession was made following British pressure and against the background of the demands of the Zionist Organization for direct contact between Palestine and the Red Sea. It led to the inclusion of the Negev triangle in Palestine's territory, although this area was not considered as part of the country in the many centuries that preceded the British occupation."[212]
  55. Biger wrote: "At the beginning of 1918, soon after the southern part of Palestine was conquered, the Foreign Office determined that 'Faisal's authority over the area that he controls on the eastern side of the Jordan river should be recognised. We can confirm this recognition of ours even if our forces do not currently control major parts of Trans-Jordan.'"[224]
  56. Biger wrote, "When the Paris Peace Conference was assembled, the British delegation presented an official proposal, based on maps, for the future border line of Palestine. On those maps the eastern boundary was located about 10 km east of the Jordan river, in a series of parallel lines."[51]
  57. Biger wrote, "Two views characterised the British approach to the matter. On one hand, there were those who supported the Zionist approach for a borderline that ran along the railway or along the desert’s edge. On the other hand there were those who were convinced from the beginning that the Jordan river should be set as the boundary, and that a separate territorial unit should be established in Trans-Jordan."[226]
  58. Baker explained, "The British had moved in to take advantage of the situation created by Husain's presence in Aqaba and pressed for the annexation of the Hejaz Vilayet of Ma'an to the mandated territory of Transjordan. This disputed area, containing Maan, Aqaba and Petra, had originally been part of the Damascus Vilayet during Ottoman times, though boundaries had never been very precise. It was seized first by the Army as it pushed north from Aqaba after 1917 and had then been included in O.E.T.A. East and, later, in Faisal's kingdom of Syria. Husain, however, had never accepted this and had stationed a Vali alongside Faisal's administrator, but the two men had worked in harmony so that the dispute never came to an open struggle. After Faisal's exile, the French mandate boundary had excluded this area and the British then considered it to be part of the Syrian rump which became Transjordan, though nothing was done to realise that claim, so Hejaz administration held de facto control. Britain had, however, made its position clear in August 1924 when it cabled Bullard: 'Please inform King Hussein officially that H.M.G. cannot acquiesce in his claim to concern himself directly with the administration of any portion of the territory of Transjordan for which H.M.G. are responsible under the mandate for Palestine'".[232]
  59. Creech Jones stated to the House of Commons: "Before the conclusion of the discussions, Sir Alexander Cadogan announced on behalf of the Government that the withdrawal of our Forces and administration would be effected by 1 August 1948... It will be appreciated that the mandatory responsibility for government in Palestine cannot be relinquished piecemeal. The whole complex of governmental responsibilities must be relinquished by the Mandatory Government for the whole of Palestine on an appointed day. As I have indicated, once our military withdrawal is properly under way, the forces necessary for exercising this responsibility will no longer be adequately available, and it will not, therefore, be possible to retain full mandatory responsibility after a certain date. The Mandate will, therefore, be terminated some time in advance of the completion of the withdrawal, and the date we have in mind for this, subject to negotiation with the United Nations Commission, is 15th May.[239]

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  151. The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Great Britain (Harvey), 10 May 1922 보관됨 18 7월 2018 - 웨이백 머신, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1922, volume II, 867n.01/236: Telegram
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  164. "In a letter in reply dated September 8th, 1923, the Turkish Charge d'Affaires in Berne stated that the Turkish National Assembly had ratified the Treaty of Peace of Lausanne on August 23rd, 1923." L of N, OJ 4 (1923) 1467
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